Can interim govt be called govt of spirit of mass uprising

The 2024 student-people’s uprising was a spontaneous mass uprising. Some try to call it a revolution; but there is no scope to call it a revolution, it was simply a mass uprising. The uprising began with protests against quota discrimination in jobs. When the government tried to suppress that anti-discrimination movement in a fascist manner, it carried out the July Massacre. As a result, the anti-discrimination movement first turned into the ‘Nine-Point’ and later into the ‘One-Point’ movement. In this mass uprising Jahangirnagar University played a very significant role.

Jahangirnagar University has a long history of movements and struggles. I have been teaching here for 18–19 years. For more than 24–25 years I have been involved in various movements during the crises of this university. During the turbulent days of the mass uprising, I regularly took part in different programmes on campus with the students, against the ongoing repression, abduction and state killings, and delivered speeches. On the night of 15 July, when there was an attack on the Vice-Chancellor’s residence, I was there with the students. The following morning, along with other colleagues, I went to the VC’s office and publicly held him responsible for that attack. That statement was first published on social media and later in various news media.

Then on 17 July, in protest against the police attack and torture at Jahangirnagar University, a speech of mine was broadcast live in the evening from in front of the medical centre. That speech spread widely beyond the country to the international arena. And on 29 July, the video of my speech at the protest rally of teachers and students in front of the Shaheed Minar spread everywhere. Since in that speech I had called upon all the people of the country to come out on the streets, it created an appeal across the country. As a result, ordinary people from around Jahangirnagar University—garment workers, rickshaw pullers, shopkeepers, people from all professions—came to the campus and joined our movement programmes.

Until 26 July, thousands of people came to the campus to support us. Many said, “Sir, after hearing your speech we came out on the streets.” At one stage in July, most of Jahangirnagar’s students had left. Only 150–200 students remained outside the campus. The halls were sealed for a few days. It was our students who first broke the seals and took position in the halls. In those days no one knew where they slept at night. Every day they came during the day, held rallies and took position on the Dhaka–Aricha highway. This is a matter of pride for Jahangirnagar.

The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement was formed with the participation of all students. Alongside general students and student wings of different political parties, there were also leftist student groups. Cultural activists also participated strongly in the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. Yet after the mass uprising, we saw that ordinary students had no recognition. The leftists had no recognition. Those who have now formed new parties grabbed all the credit. Not only did they grab the credit, they launched various verbal attacks on many, which was undesirable. The contribution of female students cannot be excluded in writing the history of this mass uprising. Yet over the past year, many reactionary groups have spread various forms of hostility against these women. We saw floral garlands being given to those who harassed women in public, which is contradictory to the aspirations of the mass uprising.

When the six central coordinators of the mass uprising were detained in the DB office and forced to suspend the movement, students across Bangladesh declared themselves ‘coordinators’ and kept the movement alive. On 16 July, school, college and madrasa students shook the streets. On 18 July, private university students turned the course of the movement. They saved it. All types of students came to the streets; but we saw that the unprecedented mass uprising of the 5th was lost by the 8th. State power was handed over to a third party. The head of that government, Dr Yunus, went to America and introduced someone as the mastermind. By declaring someone as mastermind and announcing a “reset button” on the history of the Liberation War, Dr Yunus made a mistake, for which the price is still being paid. By presenting a particular individual as the mastermind of the mass uprising, he destroyed the unity of that spontaneous uprising.

After one year of so many events, the July Declaration came—but it had little of the mass uprising in it. However, by admitting the Liberation War in that July Declaration, Dr Yunus tried to somewhat correct the mistake he had made by announcing the reset button on the history of the Liberation War. His July Declaration is an empty slogan. But in any case, he did acknowledge the Liberation War there. In my view, that is the only thing found in his July Declaration. Nothing else. The government formed after the mass uprising was filled with people from Dhaka University and NGOs. How many of them were part of the mass uprising? Many were aged, long retired. So, although they may have expertise, their capacity was questioned.

Many of them had been beneficiaries of Sheikh Hasina’s fascist regime. With them he formed the government on one hand, while on the other hand, the main architects of Sheikh Hasina’s fascism were the bureaucrats. Dr Yunus relied on that bureaucracy. They hurried in forming the government. Without any deliberation, they took oath accepting the constitution and the president. Later, they themselves began to say, “fascist constitution”, “fascist president”. Who went to Bangabhaban? Was it the ordinary protesting students, or Dr Yunus and his people? Who accepted the constitution? Dr Yunus and his people did. If they were truly the masterminds of the mass uprising, then why did they accept, on 8 July, what they called a fascist constitution and swear to a fascist president? If there had been a real mastermind, he should have been standing at the Shaheed Minar, not going to Bangabhaban. What was to be done should have been done at Shaheed Minar. Therefore, I would say, the mass uprising was lost on August 8, 2024.

This government has still not been able to determine the correct number of martyrs. From what I have learnt, 31,000 were injured. Around 4,000 lost their eyes. Many lost limbs. Some became completely disabled. Some partially disabled. In exchange, the government that was formed in one year has shown nothing of the spirit, unity or pledge of the mass uprising. Rather, to save itself, it used students in various crises after the uprising. While facing crises, students fell into a complex political situation. One section is not finding a good environment in educational institutions. Another section is in the field of politics and administration.

In the past year, there have been various allegations against them. Allegations of transfer business, extortion, corruption and mob violence. Through this, they have nearly exhausted the spirit of the mass uprising. Most recently, NCP leaders went to Gopalganj, and the violent situation that was created was very tragic. Yes, they have the right to go there with political programmes; but who will take responsibility for the four murders that took place in that incident? Law and order situation has deteriorated. There is no rule of law. Mob violence, mob killings are ongoing. This government has failed to build a safe Bangladesh. All things considered, can this government be called the government of the spirit of mass uprising?

[Dr Mohammad Golam Rabbani, Professor of History at Jahangirnagar University, was very vocal during the 2024 mass uprising. With his powerful speeches during those days, he played an important role in increasing public participation in the uprising.]