Anti-discrimination student movement redefines political dynamics

In the recent political landscape of Bangladesh, the anti-discrimination student movement is adding a new dimension. The organization, which led the July uprising, is set to soon emerge as a new political party. The move to form this party has already heated up the political arena of the country. Although it may appear to be a student movement at first glance, its political intentions have become increasingly clear.

In a recent interview with the British media outlet Financial Times, Chief Advisor Dr. Muhammad Yunus stated, "The students will form a party and have built nationwide public support for it." He further added, "It is their responsibility to protect the achievements they earned with their blood. Otherwise, the previous administration and power-monger groups will seize these achievements." From the Chief Advisor's statement, it is evident that he is not only supporting this political initiative but is also an active patron of it.

However, Dr. Yunus's stance and remarks have been controversial to many. Although the anti-discrimination student movement led the July uprising on paper, various other organizations and political parties were actively involved behind the scenes. For strategic reasons, everyone used the student organization as a platform at the time. In reality, it was never the sole representative of the entire student body, and it still isn’t.

The statement "students are forming a political party" is also questioned by many. The primary responsibility of students is to focus on their studies, and once their education is completed, they cease to be students and become citizens. Therefore, this is not essentially an initiative by students but rather a political initiative by citizens. Furthermore, the Chief Advisor of the interim government should remain impartial, but when he supports the initiative of students forming a party, he effectively crosses the line of neutrality and takes the side of one faction. How politically acceptable this will remain a subject of debate. Therefore, the impact of this new political equation on the country's future politics and its acceptance by the public will only be determined with time.

The political character of the anti-discrimination student movement has also come under scrutiny. Some have labeled it as the new version of Jamaat-e-Islami, while others describe it as more reactionary and regressive than Jamaat itself.

Although Jamaat-e-Islami does not outright deny the Liberation War, it attempts to distort the history of the war and create an alternate narrative. On the other hand, the anti-discrimination student movement, through its activities over the last five months, has shown that it not only occasionally denies the Liberation War but also remains silent at times, and seeks to establish historical events from 1947 and 1924 as the basis for its political stance, rather than focusing on the Liberation War of 1971. This position is tantamount to an attempt to erase the spirit of the Liberation War.

This opportunity is being seized by the BNP. In the past, BNP had partnered with Jamaat to form a government and jointly participated in movements and struggles. Now, however, BNP is aligning Jamaat and the anti-discrimination student movement on the same side, criticizing their positions regarding the Liberation War. In the political context of Bangladesh, the Liberation War is a highly sensitive and significant issue. It is not just a historical event but also the foundational basis for the formation of the nation-state. BNP is trying to leverage the general public's sentiment on this issue.

The politics of the anti-discrimination student movement, as observed so far, has been primarily religion-based. They are attempting to attract the country’s large population by using religion. This is why both the Awami League and the BNP are positioning themselves against the anti-discrimination student movement by highlighting the ideals of the Liberation War. After the political shift, there seems to be a kind of 'honeymoon' between the Jamaat and the anti-discrimination student movement. The BNP is attempting to link the anti-discrimination student movement with Jamaat to label them as anti-Liberation War. In this context, the theoretical leader and advisor of the anti-discrimination student movement, Mahfuz Alam, recently tried to stop BNP's criticism by posting on Facebook, presenting the Liberation War as a great event.

The anti-discrimination student movement has emerged as a new political force, with their main goal being to build a popular base and form a political party. All the factions opposing the Hasina’s government are their allies, but the anti-discrimination student movement does not yet have its own distinct political identity. They are continuing their activities to shape this identity.

In Bangladesh's political landscape, there are mainly three major forces: the Awami League, the BNP, and Jamaat-e-Islami. Outside of these, there are smaller parties like Jatiya Party, left-wing parties, Islamic groups, and the civil society. The goal of the anti-discrimination student movement is to establish their position among these forces. Civil society and left-wing parties are already supporting the movement, but they have no significant influence in electoral politics. Jatiya Party and Islamic groups outside of Rangpur are primarily BNP supporters. Therefore, the anti-discrimination student movement needs to focus mainly on the Awami League, BNP, and Jamaat.

The anti-discrimination student movement has little opportunity with the Awami League, as the Awami League and the anti-discrimination student movement are open enemies. However, within the Awami League, there is a faction of opportunistic individuals who may want to align with the anti-discrimination student movement, but they would be reluctant to accept them, as it could create controversy. It is unrealistic to expect leaders and activists with a strong chain of command and a specific ideological stance, like those in Jamaat-e-Islami, to join any other party. This leaves the BNP as the main contender. Therefore, the primary fight is with the BNP. The anti-discrimination student movement and the BNP will continue to fight for dominance and to secure their positions.

The anti-discrimination student movement is targeting a faction of opportunistic individuals within the BNP and is trying to establish them politically at the local level.

There are allegations that the anti-discrimination student movement, with the support of state apparatus, is planning to form a "king's party." The administration and intelligence agencies are playing an active role in helping the anti-discrimination student movement build its political base. For example, certain individuals are being appointed to administrative positions by dissolving local governments, which will eventually serve as loyal forces to the anti-discrimination student movement in the future.

In the current political climate, holding an early election is crucial for both the BNP and the Awami League. The BNP wants to keep the party united, while the Awami League seeks political rehabilitation. Without pressure from the international community, the government is unlikely to hold elections, and such pressure will only come when the people genuinely demand it. With that goal in mind, both parties are lobbying in international circles.

Bangladesh’s political dynamics are rapidly changing, with new equations emerging every day. The political reality being created by the anti-discrimination student movement is comparable to the political dynamics during the Ershad era. If the anti-discrimination student movement succeeds, it could pose a severe threat to the BNP. However, the Awami League is not finished yet, and through new leadership, they could bring a fresh turn to politics.

The political strategy of the anti-discrimination student movement and the positions of both the Awami League and BNP on this matter are of immense importance for the future of Bangladesh's politics. The ongoing struggle centered around the ideals of the Liberation War could become more complex and heated in the future. The rise of the anti-discrimination student movement and how its political agenda will alter Bangladesh’s political landscape will depend on the events of the days ahead.

Chiroranjan Sarker: Columnist