Bangabandhu's position in language movement in historical context

The region that makes up Bangladesh today has a long history of language disputes. Despite this, 21 February 1952 remains a symbol of the language movement for most Bengalis. However, in the writings of most of the researchers, the time frame of this movement is around the period from 1948 to 1952. If you consider this movement a struggle for the status of the Bengali language, not everything will be said. The student leader, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, has led this movement since the beginning of 1948. Although he led as a representative of the emerging middle class of East Bengal, he had a deep connection with the country's peasants, workers, and lower middle class. Therefore, in a public meeting held at Armanitola Maidan on February 01, 1953, as part of the first anniversary celebrations of the 1952 February Mass Explosion, he said, 'The language movement of 1952 was not only about language, but it was also our life and death struggle. We want to live like humans. We want food, we want clothes, we want shelter, we want civil rights. We want the right to speak. We want a society free from exploitation.' ('Secret Documents', Report No. 47, February 21 1953).

East Bengal became the 'captive market' of West Pakistani industrialization. Young Muslim League supporters in the Pakistan Movement were not ready for this. They were very disappointed then. As a result, these young activists started opposing the reactionary ruling class of Pakistan. Most of them were farmers' children. Some were one-generation city dwellers. Their outlook was secular. Many were vaguely leftist. These were the active workers of the Awami Muslim League. Sheikh Mujib led them. Many in the Communist Party, especially those in the cultural sphere, worked closely with them. A conscious Bengali nationalist middle class sensitive to the aspirations of the peasants of Bangladesh gradually developed. When the Bengali language was attacked, they strongly resisted. Many farmers, laborers, and ordinary people gradually joined them in the later stage, though not initially. The regional oppression imposed by the central ruling class of Pakistan on East Bengali was reflected sometimes through the constitution, sometimes through the economy, and sometimes through language-related policies. The language question was the next issue. Behind it was a solid desire to rebel against regional oppression. Consequently, this revolt was inevitable. The primary victims of Pakistani ruling class hypocrisy were the peasants and workers who created the infrastructure of the language movement.

Almost all of this movement's participants came from middle-class backgrounds like Bangabandhu. Their demands were practically the same. Three-fourths were involved in politics. College and university-level students were involved in politics. Emotionally, 67 percent believe in socialism. Twenty-five percent believe in liberal democracy. Seventy-three percent were opposed to religious nationalism. Four percent were optimistic about the Muslim League – although all were associated with the Pakistan Movement. Most respondents felt that Urdu as a state language would hinder national development rather than personal harm. Due to various crises in the economy, culture, and education, the participation of general people in the language movement gradually became spontaneous. Its influence was also reflected in art and literary practices. The trend that accelerated from Pakistani narrow literary practice to liberal democratic secular literary practice was undoubtedly due to the influence of the language movement. The leadership of the nationalist and liberation war of 1969 and 1971 emerged from the ranks of the participants in the language movement. The auspicious beginning of Bengali nationalism in 1948-52 saw a successful transition in 1971. This transition was made possible by an unprecedented combination of the subordinate classes (i.e., the petty bourgeoisie, wealthy and middle-class business people, intellectuals, workers, and peasants) against the colonialists and their allies (Atiur Rahman (ed.) Socio-Economic Background of Language Movements, Vol. IV, p. 16 -21, Second Edition (in one volume), University Press Ltd., 2000). Their participation was spontaneous. The language movement was the product of a collective consciousness of the subordinate classes.

As mentioned earlier, most of the middle-class people of East Bengal came from the farming community. They also played an active role in the Pakistani movement. Since Bengalis were the majority in Pakistan, they thought the state would value Bengali as one of the state languages at the cost of their sentiments. Still, in reality, they gave that status to Urdu instead. Bengal was insulted. Part of the middle class – the students started a movement against this injustice. Even their blood was shed in the fight for the status of the Bengali language. They went directly against the government's national language policy. The two main reasons behind their participation in this movement were:

One. They felt that Pakistan was against the heritage and pride of Bengali culture as Bengal was humiliated. This injustice to their language, which constitutes 56 percent of the total population, created a profound reaction in the intellectual circles. That reaction was once transmitted to the minds of ordinary people.

Two. They realized that if Urdu became the national language, their access to government and semi-government jobs would be slim. Their economic benefits would be lost. Their children's educational opportunities would be narrowed. Their culture would not evolve.

After the language movement, Bangabandhu traveled all over Bangladesh and gave Bengali the status of the state language, and also highlighted the economic deprivation of the ordinary people in plain language. At this time, his leader, Mr. Suhrawardy, toured East Bengal and held public meetings. In his speech, besides improving poor farmers' fortunes, he heavily criticized jute management and education policy (Atiur Rahman. Secret Documents Short and Simple Text, pp. 52-56, first edition, second edition, 2021). He repeatedly demanded that the state take responsibility for the people's suffering. In his speech, he talked about the spread of corruption in the administration system. He also pointed out that the tax structure disturbed the interests of people experiencing poverty. He also strongly criticized the government's indifference to the food crisis. And he always talked about abolishing the Zamindari system without compensation. And this was how he gradually became a populist leader.

The widespread participation of the urban middle class in the language movement laid the foundation for Bengali nationalism led by the educated section of that class. The relatively more enlightened section of the leadership was able to efficiently convey the message of the individual hopes and aspirations of the Bengali nation to everyone through the public demand to protect the sanctity of the mother tongue. The fact that the Pakistani state is not at all sincere in fulfilling the aspirations of the majority of Bengalis was evident through the language movement. That spirit was later reflected in the provincial elections of 1954. In that election, United Front, which believes in Bengali ethnicity, won massively.

A comprehensive review shows that the 21 points announced in the United Front's election manifesto reflected the hopes and aspirations of the Bengali middle class. This picture becomes more apparent when this demand is divided into different segments of the labor force. In 1961, one statistic shows that about 36 percent of the total labor force in East Pakistan belonged to the middle class. Still, about 68 percent of the socioeconomic claims in the 21-point revolved around the aspirations of the middle class. This was not surprising. Virtually, the United Front was a political alliance of the middle class. Therefore, it was natural that their aspirations would be reflected in the election manifesto. Indeed, the connection between the urban and rural middle classes was profound in the early fifties. The political leaders were essentially the first generation of urban middle-class elites. So, the socio-economic demands of the peasants were also genuine demands of the political leaders of the urban middle class.

A timeless constitution was written under the leadership of Bangabandhu to achieve this goal. The fundamental aim of this constitution is to run a state that will accelerate the development of society and economy without discrimination in the light of the spirit of the liberation war. Such state-building intent is reflected in the First Five-Year Plan and the process of enacting more than 200 people-friendly laws under the leadership of Bangabandhu. The world knows that Bangladesh's way forward was suddenly blocked on August 15, 1975, by the brutal assassination of Bangabandhu. After that, the march of inclusive development in Bangladesh stopped. Despite this, liberal Bangladesh is moving forward through various setbacks. The leadership of the middle class is still at the forefront.

In contemporary reality, there is no alternative to national unity for social stability and development, just like the liberation war. However, there is no opportunity to underestimate a middle-class section's opportunism, corruption, and arbitrariness. The progressive section of the middle class, particularly the youth, must play a bold role to remove these obstacles. Hopefully, the young children of the middle class have once again grasped the fundamental spirit of the liberation war and formed a sizeable public opinion in favor of appropriate punishment for the war criminal murderers. Given that claim, the trial has also been completed. If this consciousness is further sharpened, it will be possible to achieve the basic desire of the liberation war. The struggle for this fundamental consciousness is never-ending. Hopefully, even in this stage of struggle, the middle-class leadership will not back down from playing its worthy role in building the dream of Bangladesh with the people. Liberation War Bangladesh has progressed a lot in that direction. I am hoping that Bangladesh will move forward despite all the adversities. We want Bangladesh, where it is possible to claim the full glory of humanity along with the assurance of food and clothing.

Writer: Professor Emeritus, Dhaka University and former governor, Bangladesh Bank