Fear hinders free speech in the country

Theater figure Mamunur Rashid is a playwright, actor, and director. He is one of the key pioneers of the post-independence theater movement in Bangladesh. He has also written and directed numerous television plays, alongside acting in many of them. In recognition of his significant contribution to the theater, he was awarded the Ekushey Padak in 2012. Although he received the Bangla Academy Award in 1982, he rejected it in protest against autocratic rule. Recently, he talked to Views Bangladesh about the country's political landscape, the humiliation of artists and writers, and the narrative against the Liberation War. The interview was conducted by Girish Goiric, Associate Editor of Views Bangladesh. The final part of the three-part interview is being published today.

Views Bangladesh: Fifty three years have passed since the Liberation War, yet the true spirit of the war has not been fully reflected in society. What is the reason for this?

Mamunur Rashid: This is entirely a political failure. Look, where does the Liberation War still persist? I would say the true essence of the Liberation War has been preserved in the fields of art, literature, and culture. Whenever movements supporting the Liberation War have taken place, you will always see artists and writers at the forefront. But how many political activists—those who are typically seen as political actors—have truly been involved in this? Yes, the immediate past government has made provisions for the pensions of freedom fighters. They have given awards like the Independence Award and Ekushey Padak, which is a good thing. During the BNP government, there were many freedom fighters as well; its founder was a freedom fighter, and there were many others. However, they did not contribute effectively to the cause of the Liberation War because, with them, there was always a counterforce opposed to the Liberation War, and that remains a key issue.

There is a sense of the Liberation War within the consciousness of the middle class and the common people. The history of the Liberation War is presented in two conflicting ways by different groups to different generations, leading to confusion among children, teenagers, and young adults. A sense of ideology cannot develop in the midst of confusion. An ideology always has a clear, consistent theory. Why do we believe in what Aristotle and Plato said many years ago? Why do we believe in the ideas of Karl Marx? The reason is simple: there is no confusion in those theories. Whether you believe in them or not, accept them or not, that is up to you.

Views Bangladesh: After the people's uprising, Sheikh Hasina's downfall occurred, and to some extent, we also witnessed the fall of the Awami League. Following this, there was hope that freedom of expression would return. Do you think we have regained freedom of expression?

Mamunur Rashid: A major event has occurred here—mob justice. The rise of mob lynching and the phenomenon of mob justice have created a situation where people are terrified. Everyone fears that if they speak the truth, they might become victims of mob justice. This has created a culture of fear regarding freedom of expression. It’s true, a culture of fear has developed. I believe this can be overcome with courage. For example, the Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy might not allow me to perform, but I did it anyway. I did two plays. So what happened? Nothing happened. Because those who infringe on the freedom of others, who indulge in mob lynching, are also internally afraid. These actions have a boomerang effect. Therefore, they will not continue such actions. But why should I lose my courage?

Views Bangladesh: After 53 years of independence, we are witnessing the rise of anti-liberation political forces in Bangladesh once again. Where will this political rise take Bangladesh?

Mamunur Rashid: In my opinion, this is temporary and will not have long-term consequences. The people involved have been making various comments at different times—about the national flag, national anthem, changing the constitution, and the removal of the president—but none of these claims have held any real weight. Another point is the issue of changing the constitution. Can an interim government change the constitution? Or does it require a parliament with elected members to do so? It cannot happen without that. The people pushing these agendas are all expatriates, bringing ideas from abroad to Bangladesh.

The problem with communists in our country is their failure to consider the local context. If I try to apply Marxism in Bangladesh, I must consider the local context. Without it, despite the immense sacrifice and dedication of our communists, their movement has almost faded. No one else has made such sacrifices, but still, the party is nearly disappearing. This is because those living in this country, this nation, and its geographical boundaries have misunderstood the mindset of the people. Therefore, if anyone thinks they can erase the history of the liberation war and create something new, they may be speaking out of a momentary excitement, but in the long run, it will not last.

Views Bangladesh: Do you think the interim government is giving special privileges to Jamaat, while depriving other parties of this position?

Mamunur Rashid: Absolutely. They have placed Jamaat in key positions across all universities, ministries, and major roles—this is very visible. They think that no one is noticing, but that's not the case. It’s quite evident, and we can clearly see it happening.

Views Bangladesh: The Amir of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, Dr. Shafiqur Rahman, has said that there are two patriotic parties in Bangladesh: one is Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, and the other is the Bangladesh Army. How do you interpret this?

Mamunur Rashid: He is mistaken. This is not 1971. Back in 1971, the same statements were made by the Pakistan Army and Jamaat-e-Islami, but today’s Bangladesh Army is not the same as the Pakistan Army. The current army in Bangladesh, and those who have entered as cadets from Bangladesh Military Academy, have come through the country's laws, practices, and the history of its rise and fall. Therefore, they are undoubtedly patriotic. However, Jamaat-e-Islami’s notion of patriotism is quite different, and they are certainly not the same kind of patriots. That’s my belief.

Views Bangladesh: After August 5, we saw that the house of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at 32 Dhanmondi, which was a museum, had many historic documents and sculptures related to our liberation war destroyed—something that Pakistan didn’t do in 1971. The interim government didn’t make a comment about it. Why do you think this happened?

Mamunur Rashid: Personally, I was very angry at this. I even wrote about it in my column in the newspaper on August 15. Even ten days after August 5, during that intense time, I wrote about it. There are certain landmarks in Dhaka that represent our history—like the parliament, Zero Point, Shaheed Minar, and Lalbagh Fort. In March 1971, 32 Dhanmondi was a significant symbol of our liberation war. We saw thousands of people gathering there every day. And it was from that house, where Sheikh Mujibur Rahman gave directions to the nation while dressed in lungi and Punjabi, that Bangladesh’s laws were formulated. That place is a symbol of his memory, but such memories don’t belong to just an individual. The house where he was killed, from where he gave his liberation directives, belongs to the people—it’s their property.

Later on, yes, it became exaggerated around him, but that wasn’t his doing. He is no longer alive. If his party or his daughter is responsible for it, why should he be blamed? The house at 32 Dhanmondi now belongs to the people. The museum is public property. Many museums have been destroyed, and that is wrong. I expected the interim government to make a statement or take some action, but they didn’t. I was outraged by this.

Views Bangladesh: Since August 5, a new narrative has emerged in Bangladesh, that of anti-liberation sentiments. How much is the fugitive Prime Minister responsible for the crisis behind this anti-liberation narrative?

Mamunur Rashid: She is responsible, too. The education system suffered a massive collapse during her time. There was recruitment business, teacher appointment trade. Education became a breeding ground for corruption, and she did not take strict action to curb this. She should have. If the education system had been intact, many of these problems would not have arisen.

I used to say that when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s name was not even mentioned in the media, he was the most popular. But once, starting from 1972, when media began airing hours of content about him, his popularity started to decline. The same thing has happened now. The excessive naming, the constant media coverage about him, has had a reverse effect. She is responsible for this. Her party is responsible. This is undeniable.

Views Bangladesh: During the Golden Jubilee of Independence, only Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was particularly remembered. We can talk about the four national leaders, the sector commanders, and those who fought in the war, but they were not given the same recognition during this event. How should we hold the Awami League accountable for not doing this?

Mamunur Rashid: This is highly unjust and amounts to sycophancy. No one has said anything to appease the Prime Minister. Just a few days ago, when Tajuddin Ahmed's centenary was observed, no one even went to lay a flower on his grave. Tajuddin was one of the key leaders of our Liberation War. I've spoken with Indian commanders and many foreign leaders, and they all say, "You have to highlight this person, your Tajuddin Ahmed, a man of integrity." In Bangladesh’s history, there were two prominent political pairs. One was Maulana Bhashani and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the other was Sheikh Mujib and Tajuddin Ahmed. I will not speak lightly of others. It was because of these pairings that Bangladesh’s independence moved forward. Why would you exclude Maulana Bhashani from Bangladesh's independence history?

In 1957, the man who said at the Kargamari conference, "Assalamu Alaikum, Walaikum Assalam, we will never meet again," and then his role as the Mazlum Jananeta (Leader of the Oppressed) in this country—how can you exclude him? How can you exclude Fazlul Haq? Yes, there might have been compromises, but he is a pride of this land. The first Muslim mayor of Kolkata, and the role he played for Muslims during that time—his contribution cannot be ignored. Why exclude him? We have denied the contributions of many such people.

Can we disregard the Communist movement or Moni Singh? The contribution of Moni Singh and the Communist Party in the Liberation War—starting from the 1930s, they developed a dedicated political leadership in the Communist Party. Can we forget that? No, we cannot. Yes, there might have been mistakes in their politics, especially regarding internationalism and nationalism. While they were very concerned about Vietnam, they were not as worried about Bangladesh’s situation—these things are true. But it is because of such factors that we have reached where we are today.

Views Bangladesh: The fall of the Muslim League happened, and now it is being said that the fall of the Awami League is imminent. So, is the Awami League heading towards the fall of the Muslim League, or is there a possibility of a comeback?

Mamunur Rashid: There is certainly a possibility of a comeback, but it is conditional and time-dependent. The condition is that it has to distance itself from its family. The institution that the Chhatra League has been most accused of supporting, they would have to abandon or reform it, and I am quite doubtful about whether that can be achieved. If they can move forward by shedding these things and starting anew, there is hope, but how feasible that is, is hard to say.

Views Bangladesh: Since August 5, a significant change has occurred in Bangladesh, especially in the cultural sphere. It is being said that culture is now in a state of decline. Is there any possibility of a cultural revival from here? Can a new cultural movement emerge?

Mamunur Rashid: This was something that should have been done earlier, and I, too, feel responsible for that. As cultural activists, we have provided leadership to culture in various ways, and I consider myself accountable for not being able to initiate a cultural movement. When I speak of a cultural movement, I don't just mean music, theater, or dance. It’s the attempt to bring about change from within the people that we have failed to accomplish. We have created plays, but we haven’t been able to properly explain the meaning behind those plays, the interpretations of poetry, or our literature—novels, stories, etc. For example, there are rumours about Hasan Azizul Haq, and I’ve heard them, though I haven’t read them myself. Shamsur Rahman was also made controversial. Before making these people controversial, we should have stood by them. Like Al Mahmud, such a great poet, who became controversial for various reasons, we should have stood in his defense. He was a great poet, our asset and pride; we needed to protect him. There’s so much dialogue about writers and their works, filmmakers, and playwrights, but it’s very limited here. Therefore, the process of changing people from within, which political parties try to do from the surface, has not been achieved from within the culture itself.

As in the early days of the Soviet Union, writers like Maxim Gorky, and before him, Tolstoy and Dostoevsky, played a significant role. Many other writers, poets, and literary figures contributed in such a way that socialist culture was sustained in their country for many years. This is why there were institutions like the Pragati Prakashani and why they had cinema, music, and theater—these elements helped them spread progressive politics, not just within their own country, but across the world. In this regard, we have a deficit, and there is no denying that. Political support is necessary for a cultural movement. However, no political party has provided that support. When we, the Open Theater group, traveled to hundreds of villages, collecting stories and performing them for the people, we sought help from many political parties, including the Communist Party, but none of them assisted us. If we had received that support, we could have built a cultural base in the rural areas. Our political parties think that a cultural movement only involves dance, music, and theater; however, discovering the underlying motives within these art forms is crucial. Political parties, at various points, have taken on the role of critics, saying, "This play is not right," or "This character isn't appropriate." While we hear or don't hear the debates, creating such debates is absolutely necessary.

Views Bangladesh: After the 1990s, a new movement has emerged in Bangladesh, centered around the decline of rural folk festivals and the rise of counter-culture. Do you have any specific expectations from the government regarding this issue?

Mamunur Rashid: The first thing the government needs to do is try to preserve these cultural practices. Today, in our country, there is no one who can play the violin perfectly. The flute is disappearing, the sanai has disappeared, and so many other traditions are being lost. I once went to Germany for a course, and they said, "Look, we protect classical music in our country." The Japanese have preserved their traditional performing arts and modern theater. They spend a lot of money to protect these art forms. They’ve also preserved their masters from those times. This has shaped their attitude today: they make an effort to preserve their old culture. The government could play this role. Furthermore, the government could also speak on this, but not as propaganda. Right now, the government thinks of it as something for propaganda purposes, but it’s not. What matters is the change within people, the transformation from within, the aspirations of their culture, and their dreams. These are the things that need to be cultivated. It must be instilled in students across schools and colleges everywhere.

(End)

Also Read:

Episode 1
Efforts on to remove us from mainstream cultural practices

Episode 2
We don't want the country to become stateless

Final Part
Fear hinders free speech in the country