Is government's role just to ask to stay calm?

After the fall of the Hasina government, there was a strong fear of retaliatory violence. Many believed that political vengeance was inevitable after the change in power. History also suggests this. In the past, when power transitions occurred, instances of violence, destruction of property, and attacks on political opponents were common. However, on August 5, the fall of the Hasina government created an unprecedented situation. The government was ousted through a bloody movement, leading government-affiliated individuals at the grassroots level to flee, while those who couldn’t escape were subjected to horrific conditions. Their homes, businesses, and properties were attacked, and even the police force faced intense resistance, leaving the military responsible for maintaining law and order.

It was expected that after the interim government took charge, the scale of retaliatory attacks would decrease. However, this did not happen. The government has called for an end to the violence, but failed to take effective measures. Even after news spread about Sheikh Hasina’s speech in India addressing the 'student community', the historic building at 32 Dhanmondi was destroyed by a group of people fueled by anger. Not only this building but similar incidents occurred across the country, with bulldozers being used in some cases. Even six months after the fall of the Hasina government, such violence has not ceased and has instead highlighted the government's failure.

Attacks on homes continue in various locations, and many bodies are being found near homes. All of this is the result of mob violence. Incidents like attacks on a book fair stall, the closure of the Lalon Festival under threat in one district, attacks on flower shops, the disruption of a theater festival, and the knife fights between student groups at Khulna University of Science and Technology are raising public concerns. A nationwide wave of theft, robbery, and muggings has now begun. Those who sought fundamental change, peace, and security are now disillusioned. This marks the biggest failure of the interim government.

In reality, the interim government, which had a variety of agendas, did not take a firm stance initially against mob violence. Instead of implementing preventive measures, they only made verbal appeals. Is the government's job merely to ask the public to stay calm, or should they take practical steps to control the situation? This is a fundamental question. Even after the Chief Advisor’s call, mob violence has not ceased. Even after a stern statement from a young advisor in the government, the violence continued. It also raises the question of whether the forces that led the movement for the establishment of democracy are involved in mob violence.

After a popular uprising, some unfortunate incidents are inevitable, but how "normal" can it be to destroy the historic 32 Number House or demolish the Liberation War memorial? The justification behind these actions was that although criminals were pardoned, such incidents should not be repeated in the future. However, in practice, this has not been the case. The trend of mob violence has become a major obstacle in the path of government reform. This raises the question: Is this just revenge, or is it the spread of a culture of impunity?

The victims of mob violence have not only been people from the deposed government, but innocent individuals have also been killed based on suspicion. Religious minorities have been attacked for political purposes, and some shrines and media outlets have also been targeted. The United Nations Human Rights Commission recently expressed concern over these incidents in its report, which has tarnished Bangladesh's image internationally.

It is also concerning that professionals in fields such as journalism have been attacked by mobs. While the associates of the authoritarian government should be held accountable, revenge without legal processes will hinder the path to democracy. This could also cast doubt on the government's reform efforts and its attempts to conduct credible elections.

From the very beginning, the government should have taken effective measures to control mob violence. While the police remained inactive, the army also failed to play an appropriate role. Despite the fact that army personnel are on the ground and have been granted magistracy powers, the question remains as to why they did not take strong action.

Although a special operation was launched to mark the six-month anniversary of the government, it is unclear how effective it has been in controlling mob violence. If the law and order situation had been under control, such an operation would not have been necessary. The current situation suggests that a 'parallel administration' is becoming active in the country, leaving the general public feeling disillusioned.

Political parties, including the BNP, have expressed concern about mob violence. They have even discussed this matter with the Chief Advisor. The United Nations report also highlighted mob violence with due seriousness. The government has welcomed this report, but what is needed now are practical steps. In addition to bringing deposed criminals to justice, it is essential to stop mob violence.

After the popular uprising, the interim government has been unable to fulfill many expectations, though their opportunities were also limited. They have had to navigate through numerous obstacles. However, their failure to control mob violence is calling into question the overall capability of the government.

Just as the government is expected to regulate commodity markets, if it fails to control mob violence, it will tarnish their credibility. The government's image will also weaken on the international stage. To hold a credible election, essential reforms are unavoidable, and the government must take immediate and effective measures against mob violence. It must break free from the culture of impunity and revenge. If the mob is allowed to control the judicial process, it will not only threaten the government but also jeopardize the future of democracy.

Chiroranjan Sarker: Columnis