No more arrogance of power by ignoring democracy!

Throughout history, those who take on a role of resistance become heroes—especially during periods of political transition. When the oppressed, who had long accepted subjugation, finally rise, the ruling forces feel threatened. In the rulers’ lexicon, such moments of upheaval are labeled as revolution, rebellion, anarchy, breach of peace, or disorder. However, regardless of the terminology, these situations reflect the rulers' discomfort and fear. They lament that laws are being broken—laws that are supposedly necessary for societal cohesion. From their perspective, they are not wrong; governance cannot function without law. But for the oppressed, it is equally difficult to accept unjust laws. Accepting them would mean an insult to their very humanity.

In politics, brute force often becomes the ultimate determinant of power. However, in a democracy, its application depends on the consent of the governed. This is the fundamental distinction between democracy and autocracy. That is why the formulation and implementation of laws remain complex issues in politics. The central problem here is maintaining balance—ensuring that neither consent nor opposition outweighs the other disproportionately. In a parliamentary democracy, such as in Britain or India, the ruling majority must be cautious to avoid disrespecting the opposition in any institution elected by the people. There are several symbolic regulations to uphold this balance. If the ruling party fails to observe them, they risk losing public credibility.

This clearly indicates that lawful dissent is not disrespectful in a democracy. In fact, democracy and protest are not adversaries but rather complementary forces. In a parliamentary system, both the ruling party and the opposition represent the electorate. Thus, they share responsibility for serving the people and act as counterbalances to one another. But does this mean that protest should be given immense importance in democracy? Absolutely. The absence of protest weakens democracy, and in its frail or dying state, it may ultimately fall into the hands of authoritarianism. The role of protest is to highlight governance flaws, expose democratic deviations both in parliament and in public forums, and educate citizens on their rights in order to preserve democracy itself.

Since the time of the Liberation War, political parties in Bangladesh have made numerous mistakes—yet they rarely admit them. Particularly, parties that opposed the Liberation War remain rigid in their historical errors. Meanwhile, parties claiming to uphold the spirit of the Liberation War have engaged in repression, lawsuits, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings while in power, suppressing opposition voices. Even in times of national crisis, they shift the blame onto others. Various flawed decisions throughout Bangladesh’s history have negatively impacted sections of society or the entire nation. These errors have not only triggered political instability but also complicated the country’s economic and social stability.

The last three elections over the past 15 years have not only deceived the people but have outright insulted their right to vote. The Awami League, through administrative and security forces, has maintained a practice of political alienation, leading to widespread public resentment—evident in the student and mass uprisings. Power struggles, disregard for public interest, weak governance, and neglect of democratic processes have contributed to a politics of errors. Leaders prioritize their own interests, fostering corruption, financial mismanagement, and division, all of which erode public trust. Failure to fulfill electoral promises and protect partisan interests has further fueled political instability. The lack of tolerance and constructive debate has deepened divisions, exacerbating the country's crises.

The largest opposition party, BNP, now claims to have learned from past mistakes and calls for an end to political divisions, hostility, and retribution. They advocate for a peaceful and cooperative political environment, urging that opponents be seen as partners rather than adversaries. They emphasize the need to respect differing opinions and abandon suppression, legal harassment, and the use of force. The people are now demanding free and fair elections with participation from all political parties. They believe that elections are the lifeblood of democracy and essential for transformative governance. The history of violent politics has caused great harm to the nation, and it is time for political parties to resolve issues through dialogue and adopt long-term policies in the national interest. An inclusive political philosophy—respecting all ideologies, religions, languages, and cultures—must be developed.

Inclusive politics, economics, society, and culture form the foundation of a Bangladesh that belongs to all. This principle is central to the political philosophy of Tarique Rahman, symbolizing democracy, equality, and social justice. It represents a revival of the political, social, and economic rights of the Bangladeshi people and is reflected in BNP’s 31-Point State Reform Plan and Vision 2030. In politics, no leader is entirely free from mistakes. However, the fewer the errors, the more successful a leader is—and the more they are loved and remembered by the people. Political mistakes refer to decisions or actions that are rash and detached from reality.

We cannot passively watch the collapse of democracy, nor can we assume that the government’s political will alone is sufficient to safeguard human rights. If we truly want to live with dignity under a human rights framework, we must break free from the confusion caused by past mistakes. Alongside a dysfunctional democracy, Bangladesh's judiciary has also faced challenges, and ensuring its independence requires rising above partisan influences. Where democracy is functional, the judiciary remains independent and plays a strong role in preventing human rights violations. Human rights activists must commit to strengthening democratic processes in the interest of human rights. Ultimately, Bangladesh’s human rights crisis is intertwined with its ongoing democratic crisis.

In our existing violent political landscape, where the loss of human lives does not seem to trouble political leaders, this must be recognized as one of the gravest human rights violations. A self-serving clique has systematically manipulated state benefits across all professions, consolidating an anti-democratic power structure through a process known as partisan favoritism. This method has transformed electoral victories into triumphs of vested interests, rendering the people's right to vote meaningless.

The success or failure of governance is not solely determined by who occupies the seat of power. The true value of protest lies in the strength of the protester’s conviction. If a protest is justified, it will always contribute to progress. Through protest, self-awareness transforms into collective consciousness, inspiring united efforts for the greater good. This strengthens and deepens democracy, reinforcing the humanity of individuals.

Among all creatures, human beings are uniquely defined by their moral conscience, intellect, and determination. When these qualities are realized, individuals come face to face with their own humanity. Can such self-reflection ever be harmful?

The legacy of political errors and the politics of mistakes have left lasting imprints on Bangladesh’s economy, society, and democratic practice. Yet, the most significant lesson learned over time is that division and vengeance do not lead to progress. Instead, compromise, democratic practice, and active citizen participation are the keys to national prosperity. If political parties internalize this lesson, Bangladesh could emerge as an ideal democratic and developed nation by 2050, securing its place on the global stage.

Raihan Ahmed Topadar: Researcher & Columnist.