Extortion: A postmodern revolutionary culture

The very word 'extortion' evokes a mixed feeling. As if it is a folk tradition unique to Bengal, which, through sweat, blood, and the dust of the streets over generations, has taken on a distinct form in today’s modern society. There are numerous types of extortion: hall gate extortion, procession extortion, iftar party extortion, and the latest addition—movement extortion.

Extortion is now not merely an economic transaction but a social and cultural practice. Through it, a strange equation of brotherhood, fear, and reverence has emerged. Trust between brothers, loyalty to the elder brother, and friendly threats—all are integral parts of extortion. It is no longer simply a crime, but to many, a new medium of social communication and solidarity.

Extortion: A ‘campus economy’

Extortion is an art, one that turns an unemployed youth into a politician, a student into a fighter, and a leader into a noble figure. It is a form of 'campus economy'. While elsewhere, starting a startup requires a pitch deck, here it requires three festoons, a microphone, and some techniques of collecting extortion.

Recently, the nation was astonished to hear the news of the arrest of five coordinators of the anti-discrimination student movement on charges of extortion. However, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir was not just astonished—he turned ‘blue with pain’.

‘Turning blue’, a profound political expression

‘Turning blue’ is a deeply layered term in the political dictionary of Bengal. It means not just being saddened but a kind of alchemy of emotion—where the blood pressure of the mind drops, the pH level of feelings changes, and inner pain seems to surface as colour on the body. This is not Tagore’s ‘King of the Blue Island’ or Sunil Gangopadhyay’s blue sea—this is pure political blueness, where sorrow transforms into a symbol of silent, hurt protest.

Behind the ‘turning blue’ of the BNP Secretary General lies a long history, tradition, and a deep sense of injustice. Student politics inherently means sacrifice, struggle, and yes, extortion... that is, struggle through extortion! The arrest of those who collect extortion equal to semester fees in the name of ‘education movement’ is truly heartbreaking. So much sacrifice, sleepless nights writing posters, and slogans like ‘the movement won’t go on without extortion’—are all these now in vain? If those who have tirelessly fundraised day and night in the name of restoring democracy are insulted this way—then what is the path of future politics in this country?

Mirza Fakhrul knows how to run a movement, how to survive, how nothing works without extortion. He has acquired this understanding by walking the streets himself. Without extortion, no movement survives, no democracy arrives, no stage is built, no banner printed, not even groceries bought. Calling those who have spent years fundraising under the banner of student politics ‘extortionists’ is not only unethical but also undemocratic. Therefore, his ‘turning blue with pain’ after hearing the news of the five coordinators’ arrest is actually an expression of profound political courtesy and historical sensitivity.

Philosophy of extortion: ‘You have, I don’t—you give me’

Extortion is not at all viewed negatively. Its philosophical basis is very simple: ‘You have, I don’t—you give me.’

Many say, ‘This student politics is no longer what it used to be.’ But don’t be mistaken. There was extortion then, there is extortion now. Before, it was ‘voluntary extortion’, now it is ‘mandatory extortion’. Before, there was the power of speech, now there is the power of the eyes and the power of the ‘brother’ standing under the banner. Extortion is now a revolutionary social equality—you are a capitalist, I am oppressed—you will give, I will take. And if you don’t, then there is an ‘arrangement’!

Extortion has multidimensional benefits. For example:
1. Contribution to reducing unemployment: Thousands of young men and women in the country are unemployed. Extortion offers them a self-reliant work method. They are now pioneers of the ‘income without investment’ model.
2. Leadership development: The one who can collect the most extortion becomes the ‘brother’ of the area. Leadership is now measured by ‘who can raise the most extortion’.
3. Financial flow and liquid economy: Extortion has created an alternative marginal economy to capitalism—a ‘people’s informal fund’, on which festoons, posters, loudspeakers, and the leader’s cigarette stand.
4. Political unity: Extortion is no longer the sole property of one party—when Awami League is in power, they do it; when BNP is out of power, they still do it; Jamaat also has its own list.

In such a situation, declaring a ‘National Extortion Development Policy’ is a demand of the time. Since extortion cannot be stopped and is rather spreading like branches and offshoots, it needs to be given state recognition and developed. The proposed policy is outlined below:

Extortion rate determination: School students Tk 500, college students Tk 5000, university Tk 15,000, and those with more dominance—as they wish.

Mandatory extortion receipt: A receipt must be given stating ‘Extortion received to protect democracy – Dated: ...’. If needed, it can also be done via QR code scan on bKash.

Establishment of extortion training centres: Diploma courses may be launched on ‘how to ask for extortion’.

Organisation of extortion fairs: Where ‘youths of all parties’ will stand together and say— ‘Give extortion, save the movement.’

If extortion is a crime, then we are all criminals at some level. Extortion is not misappropriation but self-expression—a loud statement of ‘I exist’, ‘I want too’, ‘I too can be a leader’.

Therefore, when the BNP Secretary General turns blue with pain, it is not merely poetic—it is a political mourning, a lowered flag, a solemn salute to the extortionists who have kept our politics alive to this day.

Now is the time to reassess extortion anew. All this while we have viewed it with hatred, branded it as ‘crime’, ‘decadence’, ‘terrorism’, and tried to exile it socially. But the reality is—extortion is no longer the habit of any single party; it is a symbol of national unity. Whether Awami League is in power, or BNP outside it, or someone in between talks of ‘revolution’ and ‘state reform’—extortion now flows equally in everyone’s blood.

Those who once said, ‘We will do a different kind of student politics, build a different kind of politics,’ today they themselves have launched the ‘if no extortion, then thrashing’ model in a different style. If the state deprives, then don’t the common people also have a right to deprive a little in the name of movement extortion? This is the true face of social egalitarianism. You are eating a plate of biryani, I’m eating dry puffed rice—then taking a ‘share’ from you to claim my portion is only just.

Author: Columnist