Govt must prove thru action, not words, what election will be like

Chief Adviser of the interim government Professor Muhammad Yunus has said, “The election will be held in the first half of February. It will be a festive election, if we can reach a decision through consensus. This election is not just an ordinary election; it will be the rebirth of the nation.” On 14 September, at the Foreign Service Academy in the capital, during ongoing dialogue with political parties organised by the National Consensus Commission, he once again declared his firm stance on the 13th National Parliamentary Election.

A week earlier, the Chief Adviser’s press secretary, Shafiqul Alam, said, “The election will be held in the first half of February, no matter what. No power in the world can prevent it. Preparations are being taken accordingly.” Five days before that, on 2 September, after a meeting at the State Guest House Jamuna with seven political parties and leaders of Hefazat-e-Islam, the press secretary announced that the Chief Adviser had stated that the national election would take place in the first half of February. However, he also warned that various obstacles and conspiracies might arise centring the election.

Quoting the Chief Adviser, he said, “Those who do not want the interim government to reach the election will create obstacles in every possible way. They will act against the very existence of Bangladesh and will make the highest effort to sabotage the election.” Shafiqul Alam also mentioned that some signs of this have already become visible in the course of election preparations.

Two days earlier, on 31 August, after a meeting between the Chief Adviser and BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami and the National Citizens’ Party (NCP), the press secretary informed that the Chief Adviser had reiterated his commitment to hold the election during discussions with political parties. He said, the national election will be held in the first half of February next year in a free, fair and festive environment. The Chief Adviser made it clear that there is no alternative to an election.

These statements from the head of government reflect his determination and sincerity regarding the national election; yet despite this, doubts remain—both among the public and within political parties—about whether the 13th National Parliamentary Election will actually take place in February. Even after the firm assurances of the Chief Adviser, there are some logical reasons behind this doubt or mistrust. Hence, questions arise even about the realism of the claim that “no power in the world” can prevent the election.

Hearing such words, it would seem as if the interim government is perhaps the strongest in the world. Perhaps the statement was symbolic—meant to express the government’s sincerity and determination regarding the election. But over the past year, what evidence has the government provided of its efficiency that could justify believing that no power in the world can stop the election?

Not to mention the world, could the government even resist any of the internal forces now active in the country if one or two of them wanted to prevent the election? If one cannot swim across a small pond, how credible is it if they throw down the challenge of crossing a raging river?

Over the past year, this government has failed even to contain certain disruptive groups within the country—those who have created mobs and unleashed various kinds of violence and disorder. After every mob incident, the government issued condemnations. Yet, after a few days, similar incidents occurred again. Even the army repeatedly warned against mob violence, but it did not stop. On the contrary, mobs were organised through announcements on social media. Individuals were attacked with the label of fascist or accomplice of dictatorship. Extortion was carried out. But the government could not protect them. After attacks on shrines and vandalism, now there has even been the horrific incident of exhuming a body from a grave and setting it on fire. Even after this, only statements came from the government.

The question is, how has such activity continued for a year? Is the government harbouring them or afraid of them? Or does the government avoid angering the mob organisers, fearing that if it takes a true zero-tolerance stance against them, they will in turn create mobs against the government itself?

If that is the case, then is not this one group alone sufficient to obstruct the election? Beyond that, various groups and individuals regularly issuing threats on social media, as well as supporters and followers abroad inciting vengeance and violence, can also attempt in many ways to derail or complicate the election. What steps has the government taken—or over the past year, what steps has it managed to take—against them?

At this moment, among active and significant political parties, only BNP is loudly demanding the February election. The positions of Jamaat-e-Islami, NCP and Islami Andolan Bangladesh are different. They are steadfast in demanding a Constituent Assembly election before the national election, elections under the proportional representation (PR) system, and the completion of trials of crimes against humanity and reforms following the July uprising before elections are held. Some parties have even warned that they will not allow the February election to take place.

The likelihood of ousted Awami League participating in the upcoming election is slim. Suppose Jatiya Party too is excluded from the vote. In that case, if Jamaat, NCP and Islami Andolan Bangladesh also boycott the election, then BNP will be the only major party vocally demanding an election. Will the government organise an election with only BNP?

These are internal matters. Now, what if powerful foreign countries with interests in Bangladesh’s politics wish to obstruct the election—what will the government do? Many believe America played a role in the fall of Awami League. If that allegation is true, and if America for any reason wants to prevent the election in February, will the interim government be able to ignore it and proceed with the election?

China has many interests in Bangladesh’s politics. What if they want to stop the election? Or what if India, Bangladesh’s closest neighbour and now one of the world’s major powers, wants to stop it? After all, it matters who forms the government through the upcoming election and what sort of relations those in power will have with these global powers.

When many internal forces already appear stronger than the government itself, then saying “no power in the world can prevent the election” sounds appealing but is far from reality. Rather, even if all arrangements for the 13th National Parliamentary Election are completed under this government in February, there are ample reasons to doubt what kind of election it will ultimately turn out to be.

In conclusion, the nature of an election depends on what the government wants and how strong the government is. The interim government may indeed want to hand over power to an elected government through a credible election in February, but to accomplish this requires efficiency the government largely lacks. Exploiting this weakness, many internal forces—let alone any global power—could be enough to derail the election. Therefore, the government must prove its competence and sincerity not through words, but through action.

Amin Al Rashid: A journalist and writer