Has interim govt actually become a ‘government’ in a year

Just two days before the anniversary of the July uprising, on the afternoon of August 3, at a rally organised at the Central Shaheed Minar in the capital to declare the manifesto of the 'Second Republic' or New Bangladesh, several leaders of the National Citizens' Party (NCP) expressed discontent and criticism over unfulfilled expectations in various sectors over the past year. Yet the NCP is considered the main stakeholder or participant in the interim government. The government itself has, at various times, indicated its special preference or support for this party. One reason may be that the NCP was formed through the initiative of some youths who were at the forefront of the July uprising.

Professor Anu Muhammad, who was also at the forefront of the July uprising, said at a protest programme in the capital a few days ago, “We see the shadow of the ousted Sheikh Hasina government over the interim government.” He said, “Authoritarianism like that of the Sheikh Hasina government still persists, along with similar repression of the people and the continuation of similar discriminatory policies.” He warned, “If this backward journey of the government continues, the people’s resistance must also continue.”

The question is, why have those who were at the forefront of the uprising become so vocal in criticising the government that emerged from the uprising? Has the government failed to meet public expectations? Has a relationship between the government and the people not been built even after one year?

Both men and women were at the forefront of the July movement. Several women among them became iconic leaders. Yet many women who were at the forefront of the uprising are now alleging discrimination, mental abuse and repression. Some have even withdrawn from the Anti-discrimination Student Movement. Allegations have been made against fellow comrades themselves.

Over the past year, efforts have been made to sideline women in various ways, including stopping women’s football matches. Many incidents of misogyny and anti-women actions have occurred in the name of the so-called Tawhidi public. The Women's Affairs Reforms Commission has been effectively scrapped. Because various religious organisations, including Hefazat-e-Islam, have held rallies against some of the commission’s recommendations. They have demanded the abolition of the commission. But no strong steps have been taken by the government regarding the issues of abuse, torture and discrimination against women. Moreover, there has been much criticism regarding the interim government’s special favouritism and deference toward various religious groups and parties. BNP’s Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said in a recent interview that he is concerned about the rise of right-wing elements in the country. Renowned writer and researcher Badruddin Umar has also said that the influence of Jamaat has incre

So, the question that arises from these events is this: why has the non-partisan interim government, formed through an unprecedented mass uprising after the fall of an authoritarian government, based on political consensus, not been able to take effective steps to eliminate discrimination in the state even after a year? Moreover, why does discrimination and abuse against women remain as before, or in some cases, why has it increased? Why has the influence of religious politics and groups increased after the uprising, and why is the interim government accommodating these forces?

The biggest attack on the people of Bangladesh over the past year following the July uprising has been the attempt to undermine the great Liberation War of 1971. Efforts have been made to establish the narrative of the opponents of independence and the defeated Pakistani version of the Liberation War. Strangely enough, among those who have carried out this campaign are youth groups that led the uprising. As a result, questions have arisen regarding their intention, motivation and political objectives. In fact, the general public’s expectation towards these youths, regardless of party affiliation, up until August 5 last year, has been deeply shaken. Judging by their actions, the statements of top party leaders, and their body language, it does not seem that they understand the psyche and pulse of the majority of Bangladeshis. Moreover, many leaders of the NCP and the Anti-discrimination Student Movement have been accused of extortion, leading mobs, and other misdeeds. Some have been caught red-handed. ConsequTawhidi public have brought the July uprising under scrutiny.

Though the July uprising began with the demand for quota reform in government jobs, its spirit or philosophy was that of a Bangladesh free from discrimination. That discrimination is not just about cancelling or reasonably reforming quotas in public jobs, but also ending the male-dominated attitude towards women and the tendency to suppress them. At the same time, one of the objectives of the July uprising was to stop attacks on individuals due to political and ideological differences, and to restore people’s voting rights.

The demand to end extortion in markets, roads, bus stands, terminals, and other business establishments; to uproot bribery and corruption in government offices also played a role behind the July uprising. But the interim government cannot claim that over the past year they have made even a single government institution corruption-free, let alone reducing corruption and citizen harassment. On the contrary, it is heard that the ‘rate of bribes’ has increased compared to before. Extortion has not decreased anywhere, but increased. News is coming in daily. Just as earlier extortion allegations were made against one party, now such allegations are surfacing against several others. In other words, the system continues as before. Only the face has changed. If irregularities, corruption, bribes and citizen harassment continue as before, then surely such a major uprising was not held just to change the face of the offender. If the same injustices that past political governments did not or could not stop due to variou

Over the past year, the government has been most criticised for failing to curb mob violence. Some have furiously remarked that today’s Bangladesh is a ‘mob-ruled country’—which is clearly disgraceful and shameful for a head of government who has won the Nobel Peace Prize. The government cannot even claim that it has taken very effective steps to combat mob violence. Moreover, some responsible persons within the government have legitimised mobs by calling them ‘pressure groups’ or ‘public outrage’. There have been comments from key figures in the government that many mobs occurred previously in Bangladesh; the first and largest mob was against the Biharis. These incidents have raised questions in many minds as to whether the government itself is inciting mobs.

From the beginning, the interim government has been claiming that there is no state pressure on the media. But on Monday, a report by Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) stated that media freedom has been curtailed in various ways during the interim government’s one-year tenure. During this period, 266 journalists have been accused in murder cases, 496 journalists have been harassed, the editors of 8 newspapers and the news heads of 11 television channels have been dismissed, and at least 150 journalists have been terminated from their jobs. Mobs have created fear in media offices. Controversy has been stirred regarding press accreditation cards, and the accreditation of 167 journalists has been revoked in three phases. Above all, unrestricted flow of information from state institutions has not been ensured.

More than 250 journalists facing murder charges in one country at once — this is rare not only in Bangladesh but also in world history. The accusation against them is that they were beneficiaries of the previous government. If that is so, then they could have been prosecuted with specific allegations of irregularities and corruption. But instead, they were arrested in bulk under murder charges and kept in prison for months. Although the government says that it is not responsible for the murder charges against journalists because the plaintiffs in these cases are not police, no sincere step has been visible from the government to ensure justice for over 250 journalists imprisoned under fabricated and unbelievable charges. Rather, the government might be thinking that if these journalists are released on bail, the government itself will face criticism or become the target of mobs.

Over the past year, a sense of insecurity has developed among various professionals and citizens, mainly due to uncontrolled mobs and tagging. The government’s behaviour suggests that they too are afraid of these issues. That is to say, if the government itself fears or is forced to fear the behaviour and activities of any group or party, then it is not possible for that government to ensure the protection and security of its citizens. As a result, the question is being raised loudly—has this government actually been able to become a ‘government’ even after one year?

Amin Al Rashid: Journalist and write