Bangladesh Awami League
Can interim govt be called govt of spirit of mass uprising
The 2024 student-people’s uprising was a spontaneous mass uprising. Some try to call it a revolution; but there is no scope to call it a revolution, it was simply a mass uprising. The uprising began with protests against quota discrimination in jobs. When the government tried to suppress that anti-discrimination movement in a fascist manner, it carried out the July Massacre. As a result, the anti-discrimination movement first turned into the ‘Nine-Point’ and later into the ‘One-Point’ movement. In this mass uprising Jahangirnagar University played a very significant role.
Death of Bibhuranjan Sarkar and a documentary epitaph
Senior journalist and columnist Bibhoranjan Sarkar has left behind a message of grief for honest journalists in Bangladesh, which may be called his self-written epitaph. That epitaph has become a grim document of the miserable state of professional journalism in Bangladesh.
Hillocks will be gobbled up also after stones thru all-party unity
With the fall of the Awami League government on 5 August last year, the looting of stones began and continued relentlessly in mass scale over the past year. Although stories of this looting spread on social and other media, the government and local administration remained in a deep slumber like Kumbhakarna. They only woke up after the looting was over. On 13 August, the joint forces launched an operation to recover the looted white stones and seized 130 stone-laden trucks. According to the Sylhet district commissioner, the confiscated stones will be returned to the areas from where they were looted, and there is also a court order regarding this. Stone is a mineral resource, and therefore its authority lies with the Ministry of Mineral Resources. The power to permit or stop extraction lies with that ministry. However, if stone extraction causes environmental damage, the Ministry of Environment can raise objections.
Truth and falsehood of national election surveys
In the upcoming national election, 12 per cent of people will vote for the BNP. Jamaat will get 10.40 per cent and the National Citizen Party (NCP) will get 2.80 per cent. If the Awami League is able to contest the polls, 7.30 per cent of people will vote for them. Besides, the Jatiya Party will get 0.30 per cent and other Islamic parties 0.70 per cent of the vote. This picture has emerged in a recent survey by the Brac Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD). It reflects the opinions of 5,489 people from different classes and professions in rural and urban areas.
The malpractice of secret politics
It seems a new stage has emerged in the politics of Bengal. Once upon a time, politics meant open struggle – who could chant slogans the loudest, who could bring the largest procession, who could stir up the crowd by crying out “Joy Bangla” or “Bangladesh Zindabad” in the highest voice. Back then politicians did not hide their identity, rather they were proud to say: “I am a worker of such-and-such party, I am a follower of such-and-such ideology.” But times have changed. Such simple declarations now appear old-fashioned. On the political stage there is now a new wave – not what is open, but what happens behind the scenes is the real thing; its name is secret politics.
Stop the politics of vengeance
Aristotle defined politics as the process of solving problems through discussions among different parties without resorting to violence, for the sake of achieving a noble goal. Through countless conflicts, bloodshed and struggles, human civilisation has managed to establish a fair and beautiful democratic system. The modern European democratic system emerged out of debates and disputes, evolving from the ancient Greek model. Among all the forms of governance in the world today, democracy has proved to be the most reliable. Without a democratic environment, truly nothing else remains.
Sheikh Mujib: A visionary of extraordinary foresight
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s personality was exceptional. Those close to him, and even his adversaries on a personal level, were drawn to him. Some senior officers of the Pakistani military were also inclined towards his stance. This is why, before the genocide began, Major General Sahabzada Yaqub Khan, serving as the head of the army in East Bengal, resigned; and SM Hasan of the Navy was replaced by Tikka Khan as governor and military ruler. Tikka Khan had earned the title ‘Butcher of Balochistan’, a title he rightly deserved, and he came to East Bengal in the same capacity – as a ‘butcher’.
The more opposition to Bangabandhu, the more he will shine
I first saw Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in person on September 26, 1964, when I had just enrolled in the first year of Higher Secondary at Gurudayal College, Kishoreganj. At that time, Ayub Khan was the President of Pakistan, and Monayem Khan was the Governor. That day, Bangabandhu visited Kishoreganj. He delivered a speech at the Rangmahal Cinema Hall to a small audience, perhaps a hundred people. With him that day were Rafiquddin Bhuiyan, general secretary of Mymensingh District Awami League, Shah Moazzem Hossain, and several other Awami League leaders.
Let ‘might is right’ policy end in upcoming national election
Let me begin with the words of the Chief Adviser of the interim government regarding a fair and neutral election. He said, “We want such an election that will satisfy the souls of the martyrs of the uprising.” According to him, this election will be so free, fair and neutral that it will remain memorable to the nation. He further said that the interim government is preparing for a free, fair, credible and inclusive general election to ensure justice, equality, freedom and dignity for the people, and for a smooth transition to democracy. Each of his statements contains an artistic rhythm that enchants listeners and increases the number of admirers, but does not inspire trust.
Paying heed to old transport syndicate’s unjust demands would be inappropriate
The cradle of the July uprising was the 2018 road safety movement. This movement began across the capital when two school students were killed after being run over by a bus. At that time, two buses of the Jabal-e-Noor Paribahan (currently Poristhan Paribahan) were in a deadly race, and while competing, one bus mounted the pavement in the Staff Road area of Airport Road, killing two students and injuring several others. After this tragic accident, in reply to a query of a journalist, Shahjahan Khan, the then Shipping Minister and a key figure in the transport sector, said with a smile, “An accident is an accident.” It was because of Minister Shahjahan Khan’s indifference towards the students’ deaths in the accident that the students became enraged. The movement spread to almost every educational institution in the capital.