Bangladesh Awami League
What impact could this DUCSU election have on future politics of Bangladesh
From 1924 to 2025, in the hundred-year history of the Dhaka University Central Students’ Union (DUCSU), is this year’s DUCSU election going to be the most important? It is difficult to determine which historical events are more significant than others. Often such decisions cannot be made immediately. In the long course of history, many important events fade into obscurity, while some seemingly minor issues shine brightly. Perspective, analysis, bias—all combine to produce different interpretations of events. Even so, it can clearly be said that DUCSU has played a notable role in our national liberation movement, and especially in shaping the society, culture and politics of the Bengali middle-class educated Muslims after Partition.
The Unfinished Autobiography is indeed written by Bangabandhu
Abul Kasem Fazlul Haque. Renowned essayist in the Bangla language, social analyst, literary critic and political thinker. He is currently serving as the President of the Bangla Academy. This former professor of the Department of Bangla at Dhaka University spoke to Views Bangladesh on several recent issues. The interview was conducted by Views Bangladesh Editorial Assistant Shahadat Hossain Towhid.
Why is BNP against PR
There is a perception among many that if elections are held under the PR system, the BNP will lose while Jamaat will come to power. Is that really the case, and is this why BNP opposes PR?
Is there still more to come after Bibhuranjan Sarkar’s tragic departure
Journalist and columnist Bibhuranjan Sarkar went missing on Thursday (21 August). The following day, police recovered his body from the Meghna River at Gazaria in Munshiganj. I first learnt of his disappearance from writer Linu Haque’s Facebook post, and shortly afterwards saw the news of his disappearance spread across Facebook. I called his classmate at Dhaka University and political fellow traveller Jiban Krishna Saha, but he could not say where Bibhuranjan Sarkar’s residence was. I realised then that society had long ceased to have any use for Bibhuranjan Sarkar.
Can interim govt be called govt of spirit of mass uprising
The 2024 student-people’s uprising was a spontaneous mass uprising. Some try to call it a revolution; but there is no scope to call it a revolution, it was simply a mass uprising. The uprising began with protests against quota discrimination in jobs. When the government tried to suppress that anti-discrimination movement in a fascist manner, it carried out the July Massacre. As a result, the anti-discrimination movement first turned into the ‘Nine-Point’ and later into the ‘One-Point’ movement. In this mass uprising Jahangirnagar University played a very significant role.
Death of Bibhuranjan Sarkar and a documentary epitaph
Senior journalist and columnist Bibhoranjan Sarkar has left behind a message of grief for honest journalists in Bangladesh, which may be called his self-written epitaph. That epitaph has become a grim document of the miserable state of professional journalism in Bangladesh.
Hillocks will be gobbled up also after stones thru all-party unity
With the fall of the Awami League government on 5 August last year, the looting of stones began and continued relentlessly in mass scale over the past year. Although stories of this looting spread on social and other media, the government and local administration remained in a deep slumber like Kumbhakarna. They only woke up after the looting was over. On 13 August, the joint forces launched an operation to recover the looted white stones and seized 130 stone-laden trucks. According to the Sylhet district commissioner, the confiscated stones will be returned to the areas from where they were looted, and there is also a court order regarding this. Stone is a mineral resource, and therefore its authority lies with the Ministry of Mineral Resources. The power to permit or stop extraction lies with that ministry. However, if stone extraction causes environmental damage, the Ministry of Environment can raise objections.
Truth and falsehood of national election surveys
In the upcoming national election, 12 per cent of people will vote for the BNP. Jamaat will get 10.40 per cent and the National Citizen Party (NCP) will get 2.80 per cent. If the Awami League is able to contest the polls, 7.30 per cent of people will vote for them. Besides, the Jatiya Party will get 0.30 per cent and other Islamic parties 0.70 per cent of the vote. This picture has emerged in a recent survey by the Brac Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD). It reflects the opinions of 5,489 people from different classes and professions in rural and urban areas.
The malpractice of secret politics
It seems a new stage has emerged in the politics of Bengal. Once upon a time, politics meant open struggle – who could chant slogans the loudest, who could bring the largest procession, who could stir up the crowd by crying out “Joy Bangla” or “Bangladesh Zindabad” in the highest voice. Back then politicians did not hide their identity, rather they were proud to say: “I am a worker of such-and-such party, I am a follower of such-and-such ideology.” But times have changed. Such simple declarations now appear old-fashioned. On the political stage there is now a new wave – not what is open, but what happens behind the scenes is the real thing; its name is secret politics.
Stop the politics of vengeance
Aristotle defined politics as the process of solving problems through discussions among different parties without resorting to violence, for the sake of achieving a noble goal. Through countless conflicts, bloodshed and struggles, human civilisation has managed to establish a fair and beautiful democratic system. The modern European democratic system emerged out of debates and disputes, evolving from the ancient Greek model. Among all the forms of governance in the world today, democracy has proved to be the most reliable. Without a democratic environment, truly nothing else remains.