We must build a beautiful Bangladesh overcoming all crises

It has been nine full months since the student-public uprising, and now calculations are being made regarding the gap between people’s expectations and what has been achieved. This is because the interim government’s failure to control commodity prices and the law-and-order situation has disappointed the general public. However, after the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s continuous fifteen and a half years of rule, a desire for change in socio-economic and political aspects had emerged. People from all parties and opinions took to the streets responding to the anti-discrimination student movement; under pressure from this movement, the autocratic regime fell on August 5. Within three days of the student-public uprising, an interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus was formed, which also promised change. But in terms of everyday life, two major problems—commodity prices and law and order—have drawn allegations of failure against the interim government, even from the anti-discrimination student movement itself.

Some within the government have also admitted to this failure. Even deploying army personnel with magistracy powers did not fully bring the law-and-order situation under control. Irregularities, corruption, and extortion have not stopped. Despite the government claiming to have taken various steps, the daily essentials market remains unstable. On the other hand, after the uprising, leaders of BNP, Jamaat, and various Islamist and smaller parties in Bangladesh are seen claiming credit for the movement in different rallies. In such a situation, public frustration has led to anger. Even many of the students who participated in the mass uprising are now speaking out. “We are deeply disappointed with the government’s actions. It seems our efforts and sacrifices are going to waste.”

Even the leaders of the anti-discrimination student movement are not sparing the government. A new kind of problem has emerged after the mass uprising: “mob” violence. This has drawn criticism. But the mobs cannot be stopped, and extrajudicial killings are taking place. Altogether, human rights activists are raising the question—whether the government is returning to a despotic rule. All this makes it seem like the country is lost in a labyrinth. But why? Can’t we all come together, escape this maze, and build a beautiful Bangladesh? The need to ensure economic and social security has driven people to seek an organised structure. From there, the concept of the state emerged.

In the course of history, we have witnessed monarchy, dictatorship, and socialism—systems where state power was concentrated in the hands of a small group. After the Renaissance, the ideas of philosophers like Thomas Hobbes, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and John Locke played a pivotal role in founding the modern state. From the Atlantic Revolutions to the French, Russian, and Latin American revolutions, the torch of freedom spread, laying the foundation of modern democracy. After the world wars of the 20th century, democracy couldn’t take root everywhere. Especially in regions like the Middle East, rulers who seized power through military or other tactics under the guise of reform and welfare turned into new oppressors. As a result of their repression, we saw in the 21st century the Rose Revolution, Orange Revolution, Tulip Revolution, and the Arab Spring—all of which led to regime changes in 2011. Though these movements initially succeeded in toppling despots, they had very limited success in establishing democracy and stability. In many cases, the situation worsened. Standing in such a historical global context, we see Bangladesh’s July-August mass uprising.

It was unimaginable that a student movement demanding quota reform would bring down a long-standing autocratic regime. This uprising was not just about changing the government. It was a dream of a discrimination-free society, an accountable state, and a Bangladesh free from oppression. This change came at the cost of nearly two thousand martyrs and fifteen thousand injured. How much has that dream been realized? When we measure this sacrifice and dream against reality after nine months, deep despair sets in. Thousands of injured people are living in misery without proper medical and rehabilitation support. Unfortunately, it seems that only a transfer of political power has occurred. The fundamental aspirations of the people remain unaddressed. The revolution's main goal was not just regime change, but fundamental reforms in the state structure and key public sectors. But even after nine months, there is no sign of desired or effective reform in these sectors. Added to this is the recurrence of old political crises.

Although a new political equation is forming, instead of unity among political forces, mutual blame, mudslinging, and power struggles are taking center stage. The most painful part is that no visible action has been taken to bring to justice those responsible for the unlimited corruption, looting, and human rights violations over the past 15 years. There is now fear—Is Bangladesh’s July-August mass uprising heading down the same old path of failure? We know, the main reasons for the Arab Spring’s failure were the lack of leadership, absence of unity among groups, weakness of democratic institutions, influence of the state’s security forces, regional and international interference, economic crises, and the rise of extremist groups. While various groups united to oust the rulers, they failed to unite in forming or governing the future state.

Just as most Arab Spring movements were spontaneous and lacked a single strong leadership, so too our mass uprising lacked the role of a single leading force. Students, secularists, Islamists, young activists, and indigenous people came together to oust the Awami League government. But after the uprising, disputes arose over credit-taking, and disagreements among political parties surfaced. If Bangladesh’s political forces forget the people’s aspirations and get caught in narrow party interests and power struggles, and if reforms in fundamental sectors like education, health, and law are neglected, then the failure of the July revolution may be inevitable. If the mass uprising written in blood ends up only as a record of a change in power—not a declaration of people's liberation—it will be the ultimate betrayal of the martyrs’ sacrifices.

Time has not yet run out. To honor the spilled blood and to carry the dreams of the martyrs, political forces must give utmost importance to public aspirations and return to healthy, inclusive, and accountable politics. Otherwise, history will repeat itself, and our mass uprising will be recorded as a tragic chapter of failure. The advisers admit that not all the expectations people had after the mass uprising and their support for the interim government have been fulfilled. People’s expectations were high after such a movement. But due to socio-economic and political realities, it hasn’t been possible to address everything. Hence the public’s frustration, and that’s understandable. But why couldn’t expectations be met even in nine months? That question remains.

Those who led the mass uprising no longer wanted to see elements of fascism such as the presidency and constitution. But on these issues, the political parties have taken an anti-public stance, showing non-cooperation and failing to reach consensus—causing many issues to remain unresolved. On the other hand, for the deterioration in law and order and attacks on freedom of expression, the government is blaming the previous Awami League regime. During Sheikh Hasina’s long 16 years in power, key institutions including law enforcement agencies were destroyed, and they now have to be rebuilt. Law enforcement has been placed under a kind of moral obligation, so they are unable to properly fulfill their duties on the ground. Some are taking advantage of this and attempting to incite violence and suppress free speech. However, there is no doubt the government is taking swift action against these issues.

In fact, the government is trying to address these matters quickly. Instructions have already been given to bring those attempting to interfere with freedom of speech or religious freedom under the law, and accordingly, various steps have been taken. But unfortunately, the cooperation expected from our political parties has not been forthcoming. And because of this, the interim government is facing many challenges in dealing with various crises. Meanwhile, some are seizing this opportunity to destabilize the country through provocative speeches—which is totally unacceptable. Can’t we all come together, overcome all crises, and gift a beautiful Bangladesh?

Raihan Ahmed Tapader: Researcher and columnist