Bakshal: Death of a reality and potentials

To implement the second revolution, Bangabandhu established the platform of national unity Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, Bakshal for short. Second Revolution and Bakshal have appeared as one and the same entity in Bengali-mentality in colloquial language. It is needless to write, as much as it is meant to be excluded rather than accepted. As much for the good as for the bad. This superstructure game of Bengali manas is of ancient times. According to Harun-or-Rashid, "Bakshal was only a component or part of the second revolution." In other words, it was a means to an end.

The author is a renowned teacher and political scientist. This is the first time an evaluation book written by a political scientist from an academic point of view has been published on Bangabandhu's second revolution called 'What and why is Bangabandhu's second revolution?' Although previously written in isolation, no one is known to have looked at it so comprehensively through the eyes of a political scientist. Thanks to the author-professor Harun-or-Rashid for that. Although as a reader I realize the lack of some information and analysis, the author's excellently-simplified presentation will no doubt put ash in the mouth of the detractors.

In the first flap of the book, Bakshal states that the main objective of the second revolution program was to build a prosperous, self-sufficient, dignified Bangladesh, free from hunger, poverty, and exploitation through radical changes in the bureaucratic state-government-society system by achieving national unity.

Author Harun-or-Rashid and the cover of his book 'Bangabandhur Ditio Biplob Ki o Keno'

Harun-or-Rashid writes in the foreword of the book, "Revolution means a radical or fundamental change in a system. The establishment of the independent state of Bangladesh is marked as the Bangladesh Revolution of 1971 or the first revolution. Three years later, Bangabandhu brought the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution with the aim of making a complete change in the socio-economic and state system of the country. Bangabandhu called it System Change or Second Revolution. The Father of the Nation was martyred along with his family before the implementation of the steps taken."

Bakshal exposed the opponents and critics of the system and wrote, "Bangabandhu's program of the second revolution struck an ax at the root of anti-independence and permanent interests. They called the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution a Constitutional Coup and the steps taken to perpetuate power as one-party rule or Bakshal. The program of the second revolution is so perversely misrepresented as a rhetorical system, so as to completely hide the steps taken by Bangabandhu from the people and undermine the image of Bangabandhu and at the same time legitimize the seizure of power by the power grabbers and mask the heinous crimes and atrocities of August 15, which are against the interests of the country and the nation, and against humanity. Truth is imperishable. Truth is eternally radiant and glorious. It is clear today that the purpose of the second revolution was not to establish a one-party rule."

The book thoroughly discusses every issue of the second revolution. The discussions are divided into seven chapters. Following the author's order, let's look at some key points.

The first chapter discusses the first revolution or the 'Bangladesh Revolution 1971,' delving into the historical context and the background of the struggle for freedom from ancient times. In the context of the second revolution, the author, Harun-or-Rashid, writes in the second chapter about the immense challenges faced by the post-independence Bangabandhu government. He notes that Bangabandhu had to navigate an extremely hostile environment, including natural calamities and the anti-Bangladesh activities of domestic political evil forces and various foreign entities. Bangabandhu referred to these challenges by stating, "The soil of Bangladesh has become a hotbed of international politics." It was within this politically charged atmosphere that Bangabandhu initiated his second revolution.

Each chapter of the book holds significance. In the third chapter, the author explores the philosophical foundation of the second revolution. He challenges the critics' notion that Bangabandhu implemented the second revolution and the Bakshal system merely to gain control over the immediate political situation. Instead, Harun-or-Rashid argues that while the immediate political circumstances played a role, the deeper motivation behind Bangabandhu's initiative was rooted in his long-term vision for the country. To comprehend this fully, one needs to understand Bangabandhu's personality, ideals, political goals and beliefs, and leadership qualities. These aspects are illuminated through Bangabandhu's "Unfinished Autobiography," his speeches, the Awami League's declarations, and the 1972 Constitution.

The author emphasizes that these sources reveal Bangabandhu's character and his unwavering commitment to transforming Bangladesh into a prosperous and self-sufficient nation. This comprehensive evaluation by Harun-or-Rashid offers a nuanced understanding of Bangabandhu's second revolution, countering the misrepresentations and highlighting its true objectives.

Author Harun-or-Rashid Bangabandhu's has made it clear by showing Bangabandhu’s life cycle and political life that Bangabandhu was neither impetuous nor an adventurer; Not even a communist. He believed in socialist economy. Capitalist considered the economy as an exploitative machine. Bangabandhu moved step by step. He moved Awami League along with himself. That is why the declaration passed in the party council held in 1964 added under the heading 'Economic ideals (industry)', 'The ideal of Awami League is to establish a non-exploitative social system. Awami League believes that it is possible to get rid of the current exploitation, discrimination and misery through a socialist social system. While the so-called socialists are running on the principle of 'don't disturb Ayub', Bangabandhu is setting goals and preparing the people, as much preparation is needed. Professor Abu Sayeed discussed many issues in the book Changing the Society, Bangabandhu's Blue Print, but there was a lack of discussion on Bangabandhu's personality and Awami League's 'socialist system' as a party. Haroon-ur-Rashid has rightly emphasized this point.

In the fourth chapter, Harun-or-Rashid meticulously analyzes the extensive and wide-ranging programs of the second revolution, emphasizing that no aspect of society, state, politics, or economy was left untouched. He highlights four key programs proposed by Professor Abu Sayeed, focusing on establishing an efficient administrative system, eradicating corruption, increasing food production, and controlling population growth. Central to these programs was the idea of fostering national unity.

Despite the comprehensive discussion of each program, Harun-or-Rashid notes a significant gap: the book lacks an in-depth exploration of how the people would directly benefit from these initiatives. The second revolution was a visionary plan, emerging from Bangabandhu's extensive political experience, grounded in rationality, and designed to be implemented through legal frameworks. Understanding this potential is crucial.

Additionally, Harun-or-Rashid points out that the book fails to adequately discuss the positive impact these programs could have had on the overall situation in the country, particularly following the Fourth Amendment. This discussion would have been essential for readers to fully grasp the transformative potential of Bangabandhu's vision.

In the fifth chapter, Harun-or-Rashid provides an in-depth analysis of Bakshal (Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League) and its connection to the Awami League. Bakshal was envisioned as a platform for national unity, supported by various data and historical references. The "One Party System" was a continuation of the "Gana Oikyajote," originally formed on October 14, 1973, which aimed at transitioning to socialism and addressing immediate problems. Bakshal, formed on June 6, 1975, represented the first and only call for all-party and national unity, evolving into the sole political party.

Following the Fourth Amendment, by-elections in five constituencies were announced on April 20, but the book noticeably lacks a detailed discussion about this electoral system and organization.

Harun-or-Rashid offers a valuable discussion on various aspects of the Bakshal constitution as the sole national political institution. Just as poets interpret poetry and lawyers interpret constitutions, political scientists like Harun-or-Rashid interpret political party declarations and constitutions. He highlights the spirit of the Bakshal constitution, which is reflected in the party's organizational activities, positions, and progress. Bakshal was portrayed as a unique meeting place for people of all classes and professions within the state.

However, Harun-or-Rashid acknowledges that the book could have explored more about the possible practical aspects of Bakshal. He also emphasizes that there was no provision for a lifetime presidency within the Bakshal system, suggesting that misconceptions about this could be dispelled through a thorough reading of the constitution. This clarification is important to correct long-standing misinterpretations in the minds of Bengalis.

In the sixth chapter, Harun-or-Rashid delves into the District Governor system, a crucial component of the second revolution. According to the author's explanation, the district governor was responsible for managing the administration through an administrative council comprising individuals from various classes and professions. The concept of district administration through elected representatives was not new, as a specific proposal for such a system was adopted in the Awami League Council of 1970. This proposal included transforming all subdivisions into districts.

The primary objective of the District Governor system was to replace the centralized, bureaucratic, and corrupt administration with a decentralized, democratic, representative, accountable, public welfare, and development-oriented administration. Harun-or-Rashid concludes his discussion at the district governor level, even though the Fourth Amendment also included provisions for establishing Thana (regional) and Union/Village-based integrated governance systems. The brutal massacre of August 15, 1975, which halted the practical implementation of these systems, may be the reason the author did not extend his discussion to the police station and union levels.

In the seventh chapter, the author shifts focus to the most recent period, discussing Bangladesh's progress under the leadership of Bangabandhu's daughter, Sheikh Hasina. Harun-or-Rashid notes that Sheikh Hasina has taken up the mantle to fulfill Bangabandhu's dream of building Sonar Bangla (Golden Bengal). He writes, "Bangabandhu could not fulfill his second dream. In such a situation, the eldest daughter Sheikh Hasina came forward to fulfill her father's dream. Sheikh Hasina is not only the heir of Bangabandhu's blood but also the heir of his ideals."

This chapter emphasizes Sheikh Hasina's role in continuing her father's vision and implementing policies aimed at realizing Bangabandhu's aspirations for a prosperous and dignified Bangladesh. The author's perspective highlights the continuity of leadership and the ongoing efforts to achieve the goals set forth by Bangabandhu through his second revolution.

In the chapter-wise discussion, I have highlighted some of the limitations of the book or aspects that did not meet my expectations. At this stage, I would like to inform you about the absence of discussion on some other issues. In light of the content of the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution, there is an absence of more detailed discussions on the President, Cabinet, District Governors and administrative management, police station and union-level governance, and village cooperatives.

Apart from the four speeches after January 25, 1975, Bangabandhu delivered several other speeches, the context of which has not been discussed. In the light of global politics, economy, and socialism, Bangabandhu spoke about an economy free from exploitation, emphasizing the need for a socialist economic system tailored to Bangladesh's unique context. He said, "The economy that we have spoken about without exploitation, the socialist economic system is ours, that system is ours. Hiring from somewhere, importing, does not work. I have to build my economic system by connecting with my soil, with my people, with my culture, with my background, with my history." There is a dearth of discussion in this context.

In view of Bangabandhu's beliefs about socialism, a discussion on the difference between capitalist democracy and socialist democracy could have been included. Additionally, it is necessary to discuss the effect of the introduction of the Bakshal system on diplomatic relations. Analyzing the discussion from multiple perspectives would bring forth the suppressed philosophy of 'Bangabandhu's Second Revolution' and present it with a new appeal to the new generation, highlighting the path of Bengali emancipation envisioned by Bangabandhu.

The author responded to the criticism in the introduction of the book. However, it was felt that a new generation of readers would have benefited from a thorough discussion of the slander and falsehoods propagated by the critics and the so-called socialists of the time, as well as the Left and the anti-Mas Oikyazota. It should be noted that Abdul Khalek of Netrakona should be replaced by Moinuddin Miyaji in the list of parliamentarians killed in the eighth information directive of the second chapter. This correction is necessary.

As a political activist and reader, I am interested in understanding the Bakshal system and the program of the second revolution. My enthusiasm for knowing and comprehending these aspects has driven me to read and respond to this book. I have also read and written about Professor Abu Sayeed's "Society Change: Bangabandhu's Blueprint." While Abu Sayeed is a full-time politician and writer, Harun-or-Rashid is a teacher and writer by profession. Consequently, their writing styles differ, offering unique reading experiences.

I read Bangabandhu's speeches again. Criticism is found everywhere in the field; But there is a dearth of systematic criticism, i.e., subjective or systematic criticism. I learned more about the Fourth Amendment and the constitution of Bakshal. My writing may be called book criticism. In no way can Bangabandhu's second revolution and Bakshal be fully discussed. As a reader of the book, I felt that the Bakshal system was a reality. The death of a possibility has been confirmed by killing the Father of the Nation before getting the result.

On Bakshal, where there is a vast paucity of books, and discussion of the relevance of the Second Revolution is completely absent and counter-attacks are multifaceted; In such a situation, Harun-or-Rashid's "What and why is Bangabandhu's Second Revolution" will satisfy the reader's appetite to some extent.

Harun-or-Rashid's book was published by Bangla Academy in 2020.

Nurul Alam Pathan Milon: Inquisitive Reader and Political Activis