How 'Baksal' was approved in 1975

In a war-torn country facing famine and complex political conditions, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman moved forward with a new type of economic plan—what he referred to as the 'Second Revolution.' As part of this revolution, on January 25, 1975, the Fourth Amendment Bill to the Constitution was passed in Parliament. This amendment brought about the much-discussed (and controversial) establishment of a one-party system in the country.

There was no doubt that the Awami League, as the party that led the Liberation War, would win the first general election in independent Bangladesh and form the government with a massive mandate. However, the problem was that this dominance of the Awami League in politics did not bring about political stability in the country. While in India, the initial dominant position of the Congress Party helped in the nation-building process and encouraged the development of a stable parliamentary democracy, in Bangladesh, the Awami League's monopolistic control fueled authoritarian tendencies, undermining the nation-building efforts.

Political scientist Rounaq Jahan writes, “Immediately after independence, a debate began over the politics and governance model favored by the Awami League leadership. While most people believed the country should have a parliamentary democracy based on a competitive multi-party system, some youth and student leaders of the party, such as the Rab-Siraj group of the Chhatra League, began demanding the formation of a revolutionary government under the personal rule of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Another faction of the Chhatra League (Siddiqui-Makhon) began idolizing him, and they renamed the four fundamental principles of the Constitution—nationalism, democracy, socialism, and secularism—as ‘Mujibism.’ The party’s youth wing, the Awami Jubo League, founded in November 1972 by Sheikh Mujib’s nephew Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni, and the labor wing, the National Workers League, called for the dissolution of parliamentary democracy and the establishment of a revolutionary government under the leadership of the Father of the Nation. Sheikh Moni repeatedly called for a ‘Second Revolution’ through his public speeches and publications, claiming that the people would benefit from direct rule under Sheikh Mujib.” (Rounaq Jahan, Political Parties in Bangladesh, Prothoama/2015, p. 20)
Despite a massive victory in the first parliamentary elections, the Awami League government was not free from attacks by underground extremist groups or opposition parties openly conducting activities against it. In response, the government took retaliatory measures. Military operations were conducted in several districts against groups labeled as 'extremists.'

Just before the formation of Baksal, the country went through the experience of famine. Although the famine eventually ended, the declaration of a state of emergency created an atmosphere of suffocating tension across the country. During this period, underground extremist groups, led by Siraj Sikdar's Sarbahara Party, engaged in widespread destruction and sabotage in various locations. On January 2, 1975, Siraj Sikdar was arrested in Chittagong and brought to Dhaka, where he was killed by police gunfire that very night. It was later claimed that his death was a result of a planned execution.

A glimpse of the situation at the time can be found in the writings of Professor Abul Kashem Fazlul Haque: “The government adopted a strict repressive policy against criticism and anti-government movements. At that time, both opposition parties and the general public were living in constant fear due to the actions of the Rakkhi Bahini. When the JASAD (Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal) suddenly launched a violent movement to overthrow the government on March 17, 1974, several of its members were killed in police gunfire, and all of the party’s leaders and key activists were imprisoned. This was a suicidal move for the party. During this period, some left-wing groups, following the line of eliminating class enemies, faced catastrophic failures.”

In 1974, the country faced a devastating food shortage and famine. The opposition political parties were unable to provide effective leadership with a constructive agenda during this crisis. However, the protests against the systemic corruption, mismanagement, and injustice prevalent in society were violent, with daily clashes and conflicts. Public opinion had sharply turned against the government and the Awami League. In this highly abnormal and volatile situation, towards the end of January 1975, Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, without any party preparation, called for a ‘Second Revolution’ and, following the Soviet Union's example, initiated a one-party political system and government, adopting democracy, socialism, secularism, and Bengali nationalism as the state ideals. (Abul Kashem Fazlul Haque, Religioous Ideology in Politics and Culture, Jagriti Publishers/2016, p. 50)
How was Baksal approved?
The parliamentary meetings of the Awami League began on January 19, 1975, at the Ganabhaban. Members of the Awami League Working Committee also participated in the meetings by special invitation. While discussing national issues, the focus was placed on implementing comprehensive changes within the entire administrative system. In these discussions, Sheikh Mujib relentlessly criticized the leaders and workers of his own party, much like the opposition parties. After three days of intense debate lasting seven hours, the meeting came to a close. Despite the varied opinions expressed during the meeting, the government’s plan continued to follow its intended path.

In Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury's words: "Those who spoke in favor of the decision were more driven by emotion than logic. For example, statements like, 'Bangabandhu, whatever you do is right, whatever decision you make is correct, and whatever you say is the final word.' Hence, supporting the decision was very easy. However, some leaders, in private discussions, firmly concluded that Baksal should never be supported under any circumstances. As a result, General Osmani, Barrister Mainul Hosein, and Noor Alam Siddique presented well-reasoned and strong arguments, vehemently opposing the one-party rule."

Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury wrote: “On the last day of the parliamentary party meeting, January 21, I decided to speak. Instead of my usual pajama and panjabi, I wore a suit and coat to attend that day's meeting. In 1968-69, I had developed a habit of wearing pajama and panjabi instead of a suit and coat. But when I attended the Pakistan Parliament, I always wore a suit and coat. Anyway, as soon as I entered the hall, the Prime Minister asked me to sit between Serniabat and Farid Ghazi on the sofa with the ministers. Once the session started, Syed Nazrul Islam began the discussion by saying, 'Bangabandhu, could you explain what the decision you are about to take on the government system is and why you are taking this decision? Whatever you say will be accepted and later turned into law.'"
After Syed Nazrul Islam's statement, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman expressed that he wanted to implement a presidential system of governance instead of the parliamentary system. He was interested in establishing a one-party government rather than a multi-party democracy. In this context, Sheikh Mujib added that he did not wish to impose anything on anyone. He emphasized that whatever the members of the parliament decided through discussion would be accepted by him. He concluded his brief speech by inviting further discussion on the matter.

Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury writes: "I then stood up to participate in the discussion. In front of me were Sheikh Mujib and four senior leaders. As soon as I began to speak, he suddenly stood up and called out, ‘Those who support my speech, raise your hands.’ In an instant, hands were raised in the meeting room. A few members, who didn’t raise their hands, were seated in such a way that they could remain out of sight of Sheikh Mujib. At that time, General Osmani and Mainul Hosein were not present in the meeting. Perhaps Noor Alam Siddique was also absent. I was standing, ready to give my speech, but the hands had already been raised. Sheikh Mujib then called out loudly, 'Sit down, sit down.' In that moment, what could I say? Reluctantly, I sat down. He gestured for me to raise my hand, but I shook my head in refusal. And that was the end of the meeting. In the meeting, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was given unlimited powers to take any steps necessary to resolve the national issues." (Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury, Three Phases of Politics, Anannya/2003, p. 154)

The Bill Was Placed in Parliament
Four days after the events, on January 25, 1975, the Law Minister, Manoranjan Dhar, presented the Fourth Amendment Bill to the Constitution in Parliament. Abdus Sattar, a member of the JASAD (Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal), opposed the bill and called for a debate on it, suggesting that a proposal for amendments should be made. He also raised the issue of providing a seven-day or three-day notice before such a bill was brought forward. However, the Speaker of the National Parliament assured that there would be an opportunity for discussion at the third reading of the bill. Despite this, the bill was passed within three minutes with a vote of 294 in favor and none against. (Kazi Zahid Iqbal, Constitutional Amendments in Bangladesh 1972-1998: Context and Review, Dhruvpad/2016, p. 65)

During the second reading of the bill, when it was passed in Parliament, JASAD members Abdus Sattar (Tangail-1), Moinuddin Ahmed (Rajshahi-11), Abdullah Sarkar (Comilla-25), and independent member Manbendra Narayan Larma (Chittagong Hill Tracts-1) left the parliamentary chamber. (Mohammaduddin Ahmed, How One-Party Rule Came to Being, Granthik Publications/January 2024, p. 279)

January 26, 1975 Report in Ganakantho
“According to special provisions of the Constitution, Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman has become the President. He took the oath yesterday. The amended Constitution has proposed the formation of a single political party, and responsibility rests with the President. In protest against the halt to discussions on the constitutional amendment, four opposition members, including JASAD, walked out of the parliament chamber.”
Moudud Ahmed writes: "In an unprecedentedly short time, the bill was adopted in Parliament and turned into law. Although it was a highly significant issue, no discussion or debate took place in Parliament on the bill. Despite internal division within the party over this issue, the leaders had no other choice but to surrender to Sheikh Mujib’s intense gravitas and personality. Surrounded by sycophantic leaders, Sheikh Mujib’s absolute power became the central focus of the meeting. However, leaders like MAG Osmani and Mainul Hosein resigned from the party without declaring their solidarity with the government’s political stance." (Moudud, Pragukta, p. 314). Immediately after the session ended, Sheikh Mujib took the oath as President, and Syed Nazrul Islam was appointed as the Vice-President.

The ruling party, the Awami League, along with the Communist Party of Bangladesh and NAP (Mozaffar), supported the Fourth Amendment, while all other parties opposed it. The opposition criticized the amendment as undemocratic, authoritarian, and a tactic for suppressing dissenting views. However, the Awami League, the Communist Party, and NAP argued that the Fourth Amendment was necessary as part of the ‘Second Revolution’ and in line with the 'realities of the situation.' (Jalal Feroz, Parliamentary Lexicon, Bangla Academy/1998, p. 101)

Change in the State Structure
With the passage of this bill, a historic change in the governance structure of the state occurred. On one hand, a one-party rule was established, and on the other, the President was given full control over the executive (administration), as well as the judiciary. Immediately after the bill's passage, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman assumed the office of President under the new law. This amendment granted the President unlimited powers. The President was not accountable to the Parliament or anyone else. The Fourth Amendment provided for the removal of the President for gross misconduct, but only with the support of three-fourths of the members of Parliament. (Dr. Sultan Mahmud, Bangladesh Constitution: Context and Relevance, Aleya Book Depot/2021, p. 91)

Immediately after the passage of the bill, Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman took the oath of office as President before Speaker of the National Parliament, Abdul Malek Ukil, and appointed Syed Nazrul Islam, Minister of Industries and Deputy Leader of Parliament, as Vice President. Among those who later took the oath as members of this new cabinet was former President Muhammadullah.
By passing the bill in Parliament, the ongoing term of the National Parliament was reset to five years from the date of Baksal's formation. It was believed that the people of the country would strongly support Baksal, considering it as a move toward socialism. However, this did not happen. Instead of trust in the Second Revolution and Baksal, there was widespread fear. Both the United States became intolerant towards Baksal and Bangladesh’s foreign policy, particularly due to its closeness to Delhi and Moscow, which the U.S. could not tolerate. As a result, the Second Revolution could not progress much further. Before the morning of August 15, 1975, a tragic event unfolded.

Immediately after the passage of the bill, Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman took the oath of office as President before Speaker of the National Parliament, Abdul Malek Ukil, and appointed Syed Nazrul Islam, Minister of Industry and Deputy Leader of Parliament, as Vice President. Among those who later took the oath as members of this new cabinet was former President Muhammadullah.

By passing the bill in Parliament, the ongoing term of the National Parliament was reset to five years from the date of Baksal's formation. It was believed that the people of the country would strongly support Baksal, considering it as a move toward socialism. However, this did not happen. Instead of trust in the Second Revolution and Baksal, there was widespread fear. Both the United States became intolerant towards Baksal and Bangladesh’s foreign policy, particularly due to its closeness to Delhi and Moscow, which the US could not stand. As a result, the Second Revolution could not progress much further. Before the morning of August 15, 1975, a tragic event unfolded.
In conclusion, the same Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who had called for the liberation struggle of the Bengali people on March 7, 1971, was the one who, in 1975, had to bring about a massive change in the Constitution to initiate a new revolution. The political and socio-economic circumstances of that time were behind the necessity for this profound transformation. This amendment was introduced to begin a completely new political agenda. As a result, the structure of political parties in the country was changed, the political system of the state was altered, and both the military and civilian administrative systems were restructured. Above all, a completely new economic program was introduced. However, before it could succeed, just seven months after the passage of the Fourth Amendment Bill, Sheikh Mujib was tragically assassinated along with his family.

Amin Al Rasheed: Journalist and writer.