Military rulers’ bloody eyes failed to suppress indomitable Sheikh Hasina

After the assassination of Bangabandhu and the killing of four national leaders in jail, there was naturally an extreme leadership vacuum in the Awami League. The same kind of vacuum prevailed in national politics also at that crucial time in the country’s history. Mohiuddin Ahmed, Begum Zohra Tajuddin, Abdul Malek Ukil, Abdur Razzak, Dr Kamal Hossain, Abdul Mannan, Begum Sajeda Chowdhury, Zillur Rahman, Tofail Ahmed and others could not individually or collectively fill the void of leadership, so they took the initiative to appoint Sheikh Hasina as party president at the Awami League Council held on February 14, 15 and 16, 1981. She was unanimously elected party president despite being absent at the party council held at Hotel Eden premises.

Born into a political family, Sheikh Hasina already had experience in the student movement and politics. But she had never been in charge of running any political organization. She had no direct experience of managing a political party, although sometimes she had performed important political duties.

Therefore, the senior leaders of the party thought that they will act as a guide to the politically inexperienced Sheikh Hasina, providing advices at times if necessary. Some even nurtured the idea that they will lead the party with Sheikh Hasina in front. Sheikh Hasina will be his or their subordinate.

Many have speculated that even if she became president, Sheikh Hasina might not return to Bangladesh due to the risks in her life. However, the daughter of Bangabandhu, despite all concerns and uncertainties, returned to Dhaka on a rainy day on May 17, 1981. Military ruler Ziaur Rahman had tried various ways, hoping Sheikh Hasina wouldn't return to her homeland. But they couldn't deter Sheikh Hasina with their bloodthirsty attempts.

Her return to the homeland in 1981 was a challenge in itself. How many "mothers" could return alone to the motherland amidst an atmosphere of tragedy like that of August 15? Facing deep political crises and challenges to the sovereignty of the nation, she had to return to Dhaka. With the blood of 22 people, including her father, mother, brothers, uncles, and sister-in-law, on her hands, she returned to a Bangladesh left in despair. What made it so easy for her? It was nothing but a heart filled with courage and patriotism; she had no other wealth. How old was she? Only 34 years. Where would she stay, how would she lead her life, what would become of her sons and daughters—all these worries couldn't deter her from her goals. And look at the irony, after her return, due to internal conflicts among the military rulers, President Ziaur Rahman was assassinated in Chittagong. Sheikh Hasina was on a district tour at that time. Though the return of Sheikh Hasina to Kakrail resulted in a comprehensive crisis for the country and the Awami League within just 13 days of her return, Sheikh Hasina and her companions returned to Dhaka after cutting short their district tour.

During this time, behind the curtain, emerged General Hussein Muhammad Ershad as the main 'note' of the administration. Vice-President Justice Abdus Sattar was brought up from the CMH hospital bed and handed over the responsibilities of the presidency. According to the constitution, arrangements for the presidential election were to be made within a few days. Sheikh Hasina had already anticipated the possible outcome of the presidential election. Yet, her participation in the election was more to support democracy rather than to engage in potential military rule discussions. Despite sacrificing the tactic of fielding united opposition candidates, she endorsed Dr. Kamal Hossain as a party candidate. Although General Ershad was declared the winner according to the secret desire of his autocratic rule, the brightness of the Awami League's image shone as the largest party in the country. Despite participating in the election, Sheikh Hasina focused more on aiding democracy than engaging in discussions about military rule. When the opposition parties united to field Dr. Kamal Hossain as a presidential candidate, Sheikh Hasina relinquished that strategy and supported him.

Although Sheikh Hasina was elected as the party president symbolizing unity, in reality, a portion of the experienced leaders of the Awami League couldn't fully accept Sheikh Hasina. In fact, even before Sheikh Hasina's return to the homeland, the Awami League was experiencing intense internal conflicts. Consequently, even before Sheikh Hasina's return, signs of division within the Awami League were evident. In 1976, under the military rule of Ziaur Rahman, politics were banned, and an ordinance named the Political Parties Ordinance was issued. This provided an opportunity for clandestine politics, leading to the resurgence of the Bangladesh Awami League on November 4, 1977. Co-vice-chairman Mahiuddin Ahmed was made the incumbent president of the old committee, and Sajeda Chowdhury was appointed as the incumbent editor-in-chief of the Women's Section as the new journey of the Awami League began.

Shortly after, the old committee was dissolved, and Johra Tajuddin was appointed as the convener to form a new organizing committee. Meanwhile, Abdur Razzak and Tofail Ahmed emerged as prominent leaders, coming from the district. From March 3 to 5, 1978, a council of the Awami League was held at Hotel Eden. This council not only strengthened unity within the party but also created a new rift. Abdul Malek Ukil was appointed as the chairman of the council, and Abdur Razzak was declared the general editor. However, stepping out of the council, veteran leader Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury formed an independent committee under the banner of the Awami League. During that time, Dewan Farid Gazi in Sylhet and Mojaffor Hossain Poltu in Dhaka also formed a separate faction of the Awami League. Under the leadership of Malek Ukil, the main Awami League also effectively nullified the existence of two splinter factions.

In this context, Bangladesh Awami League, the party instrumental in the hands of Bangabandhu, the architect of independence and the liberation war, elected Sheikh Hasina as the president of the party as a symbol of unity in the council held on February 14, 15, and 16, 1981. Sheikh Hasina, fueled by the collective will of the party, returned to the motherland responding to the call of the nation. With the cooperation of all, she initiated extensive efforts to reorganize the party. However, despite Sheikh Hasina being elected as the president, internal discord continued within the party. General Secretary Abdur Razzak was apprehensive that Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League would steer the party towards division. Though Sheikh Hasina aimed to organize the party systematically with her admirable policies and vision for all, some senior leaders were reluctant to accept it due to their vested interests. In 1983, Abdur Razzak and seasoned leader Mohiuddin Ahmed parted ways with the party. They formed a new political party named "Krishak Sramik Awami League," also known as "Bakshal."

This internal division within the party was a significant blow. The emergence of Bakshal added a new dimension to the Awami League. Abdur Razzak skillfully utilized this new dimension to create divisions within every organizational aspect of the party. Particularly, a significant portion of the Awami League's loyal youth became disillusioned. It could be said that Sheikh Hasina underwent a trial by fire. Upon her return to the country to tackle the crisis following Bangabandhu's assassination and the ensuing national crisis management, she had to face new challenges before preparing the party and the nation for reorganization. Amidst these challenges, the most formidable and crucial one was the official split within the party in 1983.

In coping with these challenges, she held a 'book' in her hand. It was the biography of Bangabandhu, the architect of the nation's struggle. In 1957, during a period of similar crisis within the party, President Maulana Bhashani had formed the NAP, taking a significant number of workers away from the party. During that crisis, Sheikh Mujib, instead of leading the party, traversed the entire country. The Awami League, once again, emerged stronger from this crisis. A similar repetition of events occurred in 1966. After presenting the six-point demand for the liberation of Bengalis, the party's president, Maulana Abdur Rashid, and influential leader Abdus Salam Khan left the party. Sheikh Mujib had to assume the presidency of the party during that crisis. Like Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, and Mansur Ali, Sheikh Hasina also rallied her almost loyal colleagues and workers around her to face the intense hostile environment within the Awami League and to rejuvenate it. Transformed into a symbol of unity for the Bengali nation, the Awami League became the largest national institution. Sheikh Hasina, by leveraging her father's experience and character, led Bangladesh towards a brighter future with unprecedented vigor. Alongside efforts for reorganization and facing military autocracy, she simultaneously aimed to strengthen national unity, changing the political landscape of the country. In addition to consolidating and empowering the Awami League, she formed a 15-party alliance to counter the Ershad regime's opposition movement. However, in the struggle against Ershad, she fell victim to jail terms and persecution.

In the parliamentary elections of 1986, under the leadership of Awami League, General Ershad usurped the inevitable victory of the 15-party alliance (effectively 10-party). Through media manipulation, Ershad altered the election results. Various left-leaning parties, excluding CPB and NDP, departed from the 15-party alliance. Despite numerous conspiracies and manipulations, Awami League gradually grew powerful. Throughout the late 1980s, the country was in turmoil due to the anti-Ershad movement. In the 1986 elections, Awami League positioned itself as the main opposition party. During this time, Sheikh Hasina elevated herself to the status of a 'national leader', surpassing the role of activists and organizers. Observing her role in parliament, Ershad felt marginalized.

In 1987, Ershad dissolved the parliament and in 1988 conducted a voter-less election, forming a rubber-stamp parliament. Due to the skillful role of the popular leader Sheikh Hasina and concerted efforts for democratic restoration, the anti-Ershad movement of the 'Three Jots' gained momentum. Under Sheikh Hasina's leadership, the people's uprising in the 1990s led to Ershad's downfall. In the 1991 parliamentary elections, the victory was secured by the BNP. This marked a transition from a civil-military bureaucracy. With the goal of reinstating parliamentary democracy, Sheikh Hasina's party proposed constitutional amendments in parliament. Despite the prior commitment to the 'Three Jots' (including BNP), BNP was reluctant to bring bills favoring parliamentary democracy. However, due to Sheikh Hasina's resolute stance and intense public pressure, BNP had to introduce bills to restore parliamentary democracy in the country.

Under her leadership today, Bangladesh stands as an exemplary role model in various sectors including the construction of the Padma Bridge, achieving self-sufficiency in power generation, advancing primary and women's education, initiating the metro rail project, constructing tunnels under the Karnaphuli River, launching communication satellites into space, making progress in deep-sea port construction, establishing a Payra seaport in Patuakhali, and empowering women, which has been recognized internationally as a role model for development (Role Model). Despite the lack of necessary numerical majority, constitutional amendment bills were presented in the National Parliament in 2009-10. Through the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, Bangladesh reverted to the secular-democratic principles and the spirit of the liberation war inherent in the 1972 Constitution. After 40 years of independence, Sheikh Hasina initiated the trial of war criminals. This was an exceptional and rare initiative. Despite the risks involved in her life, facing pressure from various countries including Pakistan and the possibility of attacks by militant groups, war criminals were brought to justice. Before this, the trial for the assassins of Bangabandhu was conducted.

In 2008, Sheikh Hasina outlined a vision for Bangladesh to become a middle-income country by 2021 under the banner of change. Now, following the realization of that vision, she has announced plans to establish an advanced and prosperous "Smart Bangladesh" by 2041. We have previously highlighted the details of all these successes with utmost pride in the leadership of the current government, particularly Sheikh Hasina.

Nooh-Ul-Alam Lenin: Politician, researcher and editor of Bangladesh Awami League's monthly 'Uttaran'