Mujib had no role in language movement: Badruddin Umar

Writer, researcher and historian Badruddin Umar has said Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had no role in the Language Movement, but on the contrary his daughter, deposed premier Sheikh Hasina, has always been loudly claiming that Mujib led the movement in 1952 from jail.

Without mentioning the name of anybody, he said, "Even a (female) writer and novelist wrote about his role in a newspaper titled 'Bangabandhu and the Language Movement'. How did Bangabandhu come to the Language Movement? They are completely telling lie.”

He made the remarks in an interview with BSS on the eve of Amar Ekushey February.

"Sheikh Mujib was in jail at the time of the Language Movement. He was sent from Dhaka to Faridpur jail on February 17. How he led that movement from Faridpur? Sheikh Mujib himself used to tell a lie. Mujib claimed that he used to write note from jail and throw it to his followers through the washroom windows. It's a complete lie. He was not in Dhaka on February 21."

"Last year too, Hasina said that her father has been jailed repeatedly for the language movement, it is a complete lie."

Umar, who penned one of the most popular books on the history of Language Movement titled "Basic Research on the History of the Language Movement", underlined the need for maintaining factuality and impartiality while writing the country's political history seeking new generation's role to this end.

In his interview, Umar highlighted various historical aspects on the eve of International Mother Language Day and Great Martyrs' Day which is observed on February 21 in Bangladesh as Amar Ekushey February, commemorating the 1952 Language Movement.

Full interview is given below:

The nation will observe Amar Ekushey February on Friday? Do you find any difference in observance of Amar Ekushey February during the pre-independence and post-independence period of Bangladesh?

Badruddin Umar: The Language Movement took place 73 years ago. Since then, there have been discussions on this movement. It can be said that there have been discussions in scattered ways, but no significant work was done on this movement during the Pakistani rule before Bangladesh independence.

In every February, there were many emotional discussions on Language Movement, but one of the significant aspects of the day before independence was that the day was observed as a day of protest.

At that time 'Probhat Pheri' was a very good programme when all youths along with some middle-aged people in barefoot used to bring out procession on the streets in silence in the morning with singing songs of Amar Ekushey.

The way of observing Ekushey February changed completely after 1971, as Sheikh Mujib very cleverly turned the 'day of protest' into a 'day of mourning'. For this, he himself attended the Shaheed Minar at midnight on February 21, 1972 and inaugurated the programme. As a result, the Prabhat Pheri was abolished in 1972.

Since then, the language movement that was observing as a day of protest was put to an end and the day was began to observe as a day of mourning. Thus, traditional observance of the 21st February, which was stained with the blood of my brothers and people, closed down.

It's more noteworthy that it was marked as a day of rebellion, protest and resistance than rallying for only expressing grief. I used to say that it was a day of resistance, but Sheikh Mujib very cleverly turned it into a day of mourning. He could sense that the spirit of Language Movement, if continue, might be a counter product against his misrule. That's why he turned the protest into an occasion of just remembrance.

Since then, you will see no major movement or protest in the country centering 21st February or in the month of February against the rulers. Now the day is being observed merely as a ritual or custom.

Our failure to introduce Bangla at all level of the society is another important issue. We still shed tears over the Bengali language even after so many years. But, Bengali language is yet to establish at all levels. Besides, steps are yet to be taken for improvement of the Bangla language.

Moreover, the new generation is inclined to learning English and they are turning them away from Bangla language. A good number of students in our country do not know Bangla and they feel proud of this. You would find no other nation in the world of this attitude except the Bangalees.

Even though Language Day is being observed after 73 years, real passion of the common people for that movement no longer exists. During Hasina's tenure the spirit of the movement completely flattened down.

This is the first time that 21st February is going to be observed after Hasina's departure, but it does not seem that there will be any change in the observance of this 21st February. In 1947, just a year after the creation of Pakistan, a movement on the issue of language began which initially created a rift in the country's unity.

On which context did the language movement begin?

Badruddin Umar: The issue of the language of East Bengal came to the forefront within a short time after the country became independent in 1947, it is very important - Bengalis have a nationality based on its language.

Here, Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, Christians have all served this language for a long time. When Pakistan was created, it was not said that Pakistan would be a state based on religion. This was not even in the Lahore Resolution and it was not said during the Pakistan movement. Either, Mr. Jinnah did not say that.

Mr Jinnah was not a practicing Muslim. Only Gandhi had a connection with different castes and he propagated Hindutva. Jinnah was nothing like that.

But after Pakistan came into being, it was told that Pakistan would be an Islamic state and finally it happened. Before the creation of Pakistan in August 1947, the demand was raised in the then East Bengal that this new state would be non-communal one. The People's Azadi League was formed in Dhaka under the leadership of Tajuddin Ahmed, Kamruddin Ahmed and Oli Ahad - who told that a non-communal democratic system should be introduced in this country in the future. On the other hand, there was no unity between the two parts of Pakistan, East and West Pakistan, in terms of language and culture, in terms of movement traditions, and in terms of social behavior. Even the ways of practicing Islam between the people of East and West Pakistan was different. Yet, in essence, there was a big bond of Islam between the two regions, which led to create Pakistan in two parts.

From the beginning, they relied on Islam to protect the integrity of Pakistan and they were telling that if anyone spoke against the statehood of Pakistan and the Muslim League, it would be treated as a telling against Islam. We have also seen this during Hasina's rule. If someone said anything against her, it was tagged as opposing the Liberation War. This kind of devilry existed before too.

After the creation of Pakistan, the right wing of the Muslim League did not allow the progressive left wing of the party to be integrated with the main stream. This was a big stupidity of the leaders of the provincial council here.

In that situation the left wing of Muslim League took stand against it. They were active in movements and had raised movement based on language.

Realizing this, the right wing leaders in a bid to prevent the left leaders, brought the issue of making Urdu as the state language of Pakistan in 1948.

It is noteworthy that Urdu was not an Islamic language and it was a language of any province or part of Pakistan. Urdu is an Indian language and spoke in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.

Instead of making any local language as the state language of Pakistan, the rulers opted making an Indian language as the state language of Pakistan which mostly was spoken by the elite group of India. It should mention that only the Pakistanis were not at the helm of the leadership of Pakistan after liberation. Many of the leaders including Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan, Chowdury Khaliquzzaman were Urdu speaking migrated Indians.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan and Chowdhury Khaliquzzaman, all of them were Indians. At that time, India also had a problem with the state language, there was protest against the Congress declaring Hindi as the state language. How did India deal with it?

Badruddin Umar: A few days after the partition in 1947, there was a strong opposition against Hindi language in Andhra Pradesh, Madras, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Assam.

Those states were not in favour of Hindi, although the Congress has made Hindi the state language of India. There were also gunfights in some places on this dispute. But Nehru handled the situation smartly by reorganizing the provinces of India on the basis of their languages. He did not let the language problem reach to a critical situation. There was trouble only in Assam, which was resolved too later.

Nehru could understand that if opposition started in all regions, it would be difficult to handle. Hindi is not a progressive language just like Urdu. Bengali was the progressive language at that time.

East Pakistan was the province of one speaking language unlikely to multi linguistic provinces of India. So, Nehru resolved the language problem by recognizing the languages of all states.

Who played the major role in the language movement?

Badruddin Umar: The language movement started in 1948, among those who played an important role in this movement, the role of Tamaddun Majlish was the foremost. They were the most organized group. They played a major role in the language movement. Their Sainik newspaper played a strong role in favour of the language movement. Later, in 1952 movement, they did not have that status. At that time, the political context changed, groupings were formed. At that time, the Awami League did not have much role in the movement, but the Jubo League, influenced by the leftists, played an active role.

During the language movement in 1952, you were 21 years old, you were at Dhaka University. You were an eyewitness to this movement. Would you please share your experience of that time?

Badruddin Umar: I was neither a leader nor an activist of the Language Movement. But I'm a spectator of every incident of the movement. I have never worked linked to any student organization in my life, and before joining the Communist Party in 1969, I was not associated with any political party. However, the fact is that I have seen closely observed various incidents of the Language Movement. I have written it in my book. I had no role in that movement but I have seen in my own eyes the role of everybody. I have seen all incidents in the eyes of an ordinary student. I was present at the time of the put the Salimullah Muslim Hall under siege, when the protesters were shot at, and later at the Medical College. I also joined the procession.

What was the role of the political parties at that time in the language movement?

Badruddin Umar: The 1952 language movement was not under the control of any political party. There was no director of the movement. However, comparing to the role of the Jubo League in the movement the Awami League did not have a significant role.

However, it cannot be said that this movement was led by the Jubo League, but they were very active part of that movement. At that time, secretary of the Jubo League, Oli Ahad, had played a significant role.

What was the role of Sheikh Mujib in the language movement?

Badruddin Umar: Sheikh Mujib had no role in the 1952 Language Movement. Sheikh Mujib's daughter, Sheikh Hasina, has always been saying loudly that Sheikh Mujib led the language movement.

A writer and novelist wrote in a newspaper under the headline 'Bangabandhu and the Language Movement'. How did he come to that movement? These are the people who are talking about it. They are presenting a complete lie as a truth.

Sheikh Mujib was in jail during the language movement, he was sent from Dhaka to Faridpur jail on February 17. How will he lead from Faridpur? Sheikh Mujib himself used to lie. He claimed that he used to lead the movement by writing notes from the jail and throwing those notes outside the jail through the washroom windows. It is a complete lie as he was not in Dhaka on February 21.

Last year too, Hasina claimed that her father has been jailed repeatedly for the language movement, which is a complete lie. The truth is that Mujib has been landed in jail repeatedly for his involvement with many other movements. But lies never survive. The truth will be revealed. The truth peeked out in my writing and now the truth has come out. No one can suppress the history, because those who are in power cannot stay in power forever.

There are allegations of distortion and lies about the political history of Bangladesh; it is suicidal as a nation, what is the way out of it?

Badruddin Umar: Not only about Sheikh Mujib's role in the Language Movement, but also the history of this country has been distorted in many ways. The Awami League is an organization that first introduced a term called 'distortion of history', we have never heard of it before. They introduced it but no one has distorted history more than them.

They have completely put an end to the practice of history. Therefore, there is a need to write not only the role of Sheikh Mujib, but also the political history of this country in a truthful and impartial manner. It is hoped that the new generation will discharge that responsibility in the future.

What were the expectations and achievements of the nation from the Language Movement and national independence?

Badruddin Umar: Starting from the Language Movement, we got Bangladesh independence in 1971. But this independence is only state independence, emergence as an independent state on the world map. But in terms of the achievements of the people, it can be seen that their hopes and aspirations have not been fulfilled.

Even after the independence, the people did not get anything in the three and a half years of the regime of Sheikh Mujib. They only got exploitation, torture, tyranny of the Rakshi Bahini, cruelty, famine. People got nothing during the rule of Sheikh Mujib. So, it was not surprising that no a single person stood on the street and none expressed grief for Mujib after his killing along with his family members on August 15, 1975. Moreover, thousands of people came out on the streets and expressed joy. They distributed sweets.

However, in January 1972, the people of this country, millions of people, welcomed him. They were very fond of him. When he was killed three and a half years later, not a single person came out. What was the reason? This must be sought out and the Awami League must explain, Sheikh Mujib's daughter must explain.

Same public reaction we have seen on August 5, when people spontaneously came out on the streets from all sides against Hasina's misrule, and the sculptures and structures of Sheikh Mujib and his group were demolished. They must find an answer to this question- why this happened. Before drawing a line of judgment everybody should ask question to check the facts. Those who have written history are afraid of fact checking. Actual facts resolve many problems.

The foundation of the exploitation and torture that we have seen since independence was laid in 1972. Corruption, looting, smuggling started in 1972 during the Awami regime. Though there was no industry in the country at that time but a class of people related to the government earned millions of money who are representing people in the parliament now and holding the authoritative power in their hands. They are still influencing the society even after departure of Sheikh Hasina and nothing is beyond their control. The interim government has now taken charge after Sheikh Hasina's exit, but the looting class left behind by Hasina is still active.