Rohingyas want to return home with full citizenship, fundamental rights
Recently, the Myanmar government announced its willingness to repatriate 180,000 Rohingya refugees from the list provided by Bangladesh. The Bangladesh government has welcomed this decision. However, the Rohingya refugees have made it clear that they will not return to Myanmar unless full citizenship and fundamental rights are guaranteed. They fear that without official recognition as citizens, they could once again fall victim to the same persecution and discrimination they fled from. Rohingya community leaders have stated that unless citizenship, security, and freedom of movement are ensured, they are not willing to go back.
Previous repatriation attempts in 2018 and 2019 failed because refugees refused to return without assurances of safety and citizenship. Even now, violence and human rights violations continue in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, presenting a major obstacle to the refugees’ return. In August 2017, over 700,000 Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh to escape a brutal military crackdown in Myanmar—a campaign the United Nations described as “ethnic cleansing.” Today, nearly 1.2 million Rohingya refugees live in camps in Cox’s Bazar and Bandarban.
Human rights organizations have expressed concern over the repatriation plans between Myanmar and Bangladesh. They argue that sending the Rohingyas back under the current conditions could endanger their lives. These organizations emphasize that Myanmar must guarantee citizenship and basic rights for the Rohingyas to enable their voluntary, safe, and dignified return.
The government of Bangladesh has long advocated for the safe repatriation of the Rohingyas. But human rights workers argue that without ensuring the refugees’ safety and rights, the process cannot be successful. Still, Bangladesh continues to apply diplomatic pressure on Myanmar—with support from the international community—to secure citizenship and security for the Rohingyas.
This new repatriation proposal is seen by some as a diplomatic breakthrough, yet within the Rohingya camps, it has sparked a fresh wave of fear and uncertainty.
“How can we go back without citizenship? What if the soldiers arrest us again, burn our homes, kill our children?” said 35-year-old Halima Khatun, with tears in her eyes. She fled from Rakhine in 2017 and now lives in the Kutupalong Rohingya camp in Cox’s Bazar. She shared her concerns recently via phone with Views Bangladesh.
The Rohingyas say they want to return to Myanmar—but only through a process that is safe and dignified. This means full citizenship, guaranteed security, restoration of land and property rights, freedom of movement, and access to education and healthcare.
In conversations with several Rohingyas from the Kutupalong and Balukhali camps, all expressed hesitation about the repatriation process.
Muhibullah, 22, said, “I grew up in Rakhine. But if they don’t recognize me as a citizen, don’t give me an ID, then whose country will I be returning to?”
Noor Sana, a 45-year-old Rohingya man, said, “They beat us, burned our villages, raped our women. Now they say they’ll take us back—but what if they attack us again after a month?”
Meanwhile, the Bangladesh government also wants a permanent solution to the crisis and is pushing for dignified repatriation. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs maintains that international pressure is crucial in achieving this goal.
The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, has remarked that Myanmar’s government has yet to reform its citizenship law and continues to discriminate against the Rohingyas. He believes that under such circumstances, any repatriation would be flawed.
The 1982 Myanmar Citizenship Law excluded the Rohingyas from the list of recognized ethnic groups, rendering them stateless for decades.
Young Rohingya Mohammed Harun said, “We want the Myanmar government to recognize us as citizens. We are Rohingya. That identity can’t be erased.” When asked if he would return under Myanmar’s National Verification Card (NVC) scheme, he replied, “The NVC means we’re foreigners. We reject that.”
Fear is even more pronounced among Rohingya women regarding the idea of returning. Mohsina Khatun, 32, said, “My in-laws were killed in Myanmar. I want my son to live a better life—to be a citizen, go to school, and become a doctor.”
Among younger Rohingyas, especially those born or raised in the refugee camps of Cox’s Bazar, there is a mix of anxiety and despair. Many of them have no memory of their homeland.
Eighteen-year-old Rashed said, “I was born in the camp. I don’t even know where my home is. If I go back, will I be able to adapt?”
Many Rohingyas hope for resettlement in a third country, but international political complexities have so far prevented this from becoming a reality.
Human rights activists argue that a lasting solution to the Rohingya crisis is possible if Myanmar achieves political stability. However, the country is currently mired in civil conflict.
Meanwhile, some Rohingyas who have been relocated to Bhasan Char express a desire to return home. Rahim Ullah, who moved to Bhasan Char in 2021, said, “Life here is okay, but we want to return to Rakhine with dignity.”
The issue of repatriation is no longer just a bilateral matter—it has become a significant factor in regional and international politics. The roles of China, India, and other global powers are increasingly important in this context.
Experts insist that repatriation must not be forced—it must be voluntary, safe, and conducted with dignity. Without guarantees of full citizenship, safety, and basic rights, any return to Myanmar risks leading to renewed inhumanity.
They said that a permanent resolution to the crisis will only be possible when the Myanmar government recognizes the Rohingyas as citizens and ensures equal rights for them.
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