The decay of student politics: Who is to blame?

Abrar Fahad, a student at Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET), was brutally tortured to death inside a dorm room of a BCL leader in 2019. Following this appalling incident, BUET general students erupted in anger. As a consequence, student politics was prohibited there by the directives of BUET authorities.

In the subsequent legal proceedings, the court convicted 20 individuals to death and sentenced five others to life imprisonment for their involvement in the murder.

However, the respite from student politics was short-lived. On March 28, a group of leaders and activists, including the president of the Central Committee of the Chhatra League, entered the BUET campus and convened a meeting, marking the resurgence of prohibited politics within the university premises.

As the university authorities had objection against the entry of the BCL leaders and holding meeting, Imtiaz Hossain Rahim, a student of the civil engineering department, faced the consequence by having his hall seat canceled. In response, the BCL men initiated a counter programme.

When Imtiaz appealed to the High Court regarding the cancellation of his seat, the court suspended the ban on student politics at BUET. Consequently, there was no longer any legal impediment to the resumption of student politics. Despite the court's suspension of the ban, a faction of students remained in favor of maintaining the prohibition on student politics within the campus.

Conversely, Bangladesh Chhatra League advocated for the reinstatement of organised and regulated student politics. In this complex scenario, Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal called for the coexistence of student parliament elections alongside political student organizations on the campus.

In the ongoing discourse surrounding student politics at BUET, diverse opinions and campaigns are unfolding on social media, both advocating for and opposing its reinstatement. Remarkably, parents are also engaging in the conversation, offering their perspectives on the necessity of student politics within the university.

Those closely involved in politics are presenting various arguments in favor of student politics. They contend that everyone has the right to organise, and if there are issues within student politics, they should be addressed rather than resorting to a blanket ban. They reject the notion of "cutting off the head for a headache," emphasising the importance of nurturing leaders and leadership skills through student political involvement.

Moreover, proponents of student politics assert that it plays a crucial role in shaping the country's trajectory. They argue that pivotal historical events, such as the language movement, the liberation war, and the overthrow of dictatorship, have been facilitated by student activism. Consequently, they advocate for the continuation of student politics as a means to train future leaders and uphold democratic values.

During the Pakistan era, Munaem Khan's National Students Federation (NSF) exerted dominance over the opposition within the university. The organisation's top leaders, including Pachapattu-Zamir Ali and Khoka, were known to carry pistols or Chinese axes on their person, often accompanied by snakes draped around their necks. Despite their intimidating presence, they were a minority within the student body.

Contrastingly, leadership roles in non-NSF student societies were typically filled by talented, honest, humble, and polite students. However, following the war of liberation, the decline of student politics reached unprecedented levels. Weapons proliferated among students, leading to tragic incidents such as the 1972 killing of a student in Mohsin Hall at Dhaka University.

Subsequently, Ziaur Rahman's administration released the convicted murderer of seven people, setting a precedent that emboldened armed students. This leniency effectively granted them a license to commit further violence.

The current generation of student leaders is characterized by a reign of greed and fear. Torture cells have become commonplace in university halls, and a sinister kidnapping trade has emerged. The unchecked authority to collect ransom and award contracts has turned many student leaders into millionaires. Moreover, the proliferation of bombs for the purpose of eliminating opposition parties has resulted in tragic deaths, including those caused by the mishandling of explosives.

In a troubling parallel to the past, some of these student leaders resemble figures like Pachpattu or Khoka of the NSF. Their actions have led to widespread disillusionment among the populace. In a grim incident from 1968 at Salimullah Hall, Pachpattur was attacked with a dagger while intoxicated, sustaining severe injuries to his chest and lower abdomen. Similarly, on the Victory Day of 1971, a young man arrested from a Narayanganj brothel met a grim fate. Instead of receiving a proper burial, his bullet-riddled body was callously discarded in the middle of a racecourse field, left as fodder for animals and birds.

Since 1977, the landscape of education has been tainted by the pervasive influence and abundance of resources enjoyed by student leaders, who are handpicked and supported by political parties. Unfortunately, those appointed to key positions such as Vice-Chancellors, Proctors, Provosts, and House Tutors lack the integrity and firm principles necessary for upholding educational standards. Instead, they are often viewed as spineless and beholden to the interests of the ruling party.

The ethos of education and research has been overshadowed by a desire for personal enrichment and the implementation of political agendas. Student leaders and activists have prioritised safeguarding their own interests and advancing the agendas of political parties rather than focusing on academic pursuits.

The influx of money without labor has fueled an atmosphere of anarchy within student politics. Leaders prioritise personal ambition over ideals, leading to a culture where pride in leadership supersedes all else. Meanwhile, college and hall authorities turn a blind eye to the reckless activities of ruling party-affiliated student groups, preferring to maintain the status quo.

Tragically, throughout various administrations, dissenting students have often faced violence at the hands of government-backed factions. Government-affiliated students have gained de facto control over all residential halls in educational institutions, consolidating their power and influence.

The pervasive presence of round-the-clock police guards in universities under all administrations serves as a stark reminder of the suppression of dissent and the erosion of academic freedom.

The tragic incidents resulting from clashes among students have cast a dark shadow over student politics. Some student leaders have met untimely deaths while engaging in activities aimed at furthering the political agendas of their affiliated parties, leading to a deep sense of fear and apprehension among parents whose children are enrolled in colleges and universities. Many believe that national politics has contaminated student politics, breeding a pervasive atmosphere of disrespect towards student political organizations.

Under the rule of the Awami League, student organizations such as Chhatra Dal or Shibir often maintain a subdued presence, with their activities largely silenced. The influence of Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League, is so overwhelming that opposition student groups struggle to gather even in iconic locations like Madhur Canteen at Dhaka University.

Conversely, during the coalition government of the BNP and Jamaat, Chhatra League's presence is notably absent in universities like Chittagong and Rajshahi due to the dominant influence of Shibir, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami. The ruthlessness of both Chhatra Dal and Chhatra League during this period was evident, with Begum Khaleda Zia once remarking that the strength of BNP's student wing alone was sufficient to counter the Awami League.

Regardless of whether it stems from independence or complacency, the support of government and central leaders continues to fuel the authoritarianism within student bodies. They seem emboldened by the lavish rewards they receive, from thousands of motorcycles to luxurious flats and expensive cars.

On a personal note, my daughter Sanjana Faryal Oishi has taken the initiative to run as a panel candidate in the Students' Union elections at Concordia University in Canada, where she has been studying cyber security for the past six months. While it may seem a short time to establish oneself among graduate students in various university subjects, I have chosen not to intervene in her decision. Indeed, she didn't even ask for my permission, simply informing me of her plans.

Indeed, renowned universities like Oxford and Cambridge boast vibrant student unions where elections are held to determine leadership roles. Winning such elections can be prestigious and beneficial for students' future careers.

It's worth noting that achieving significant milestones in one's career can lead to further recognition from the university. For instance, if a student attains a world-class achievement, they may be conferred with an honorary Ph.D.

Benazir Bhutto's election as the first Asian woman president of the Oxford Union Debating Society in 1976 stands as a testament to the esteemed reputation of these institutions. The Oxford Union has historically attracted prominent figures from both British and international politics. In fact, joining such clubs is often seen as advantageous for those with aspirations in politics, as it provides valuable networking opportunities and enhances one's credentials.

The landscape of student politics in our country is marked by a series of tragic incidents and conflicts, illustrating the darker side of student activism. From the killing of Sabekun Nahar Soni in a clash over tender possession in 2002 to the stabbing death of Chhatra League leader Arif Raihan Deep by a religious extremist student in 2013, these events have deeply disturbed the public conscience.

The involvement of student leaders in various criminal activities has led to widespread disillusionment and disgust among the general populace. Many are not just expressing negativity towards student politics, but are actively calling for its abolition or reform.

It's clear that any meaningful reform of student politics must begin with the purification of the main political parties. If the leaders of these parties are untainted by corruption and criminality, there will be less opportunity for student politics to be corrupted. Establishing a culture of corruption-free student politics is crucial to preventing its further decay and restoring public trust in the system.

Author: Former Executive Director of Bangladesh Bank and Former Managing Director of Security Printing Corporation.