The state of political activities

On March 3rd, around 10 PM, two members or supporters of Jamaat-e-Islami, Nizam Uddin and Abu Saleh, were beaten to death in the Sonkhola area of Eochia Union, Satkania Upazila, Chattogram, after being declared 'robbers' via the mosque's loudspeaker. It is believed that they had a weapon, which is suspected to be a looted weapon from a police station after the fall of the Awami League government. The weapons were not limited to just one; the fugitives, who escaped, also had weapons, and five villagers were injured due to random gunfire.

According to media reports, after the fall of the Awami League government, the Jamaat-e-Islami cadres, including Nizam, Abu Saleh, Abu Taher Adaiya, Jahed, and Rifaat, took full control of the Satkania area. Police stated that Saleh had two murder charges and five other cases against him. There are also allegations of extortion against them. Local Jamaat leaders claim that the killings were planned. Since the fall of the Awami League government, Jamaat-e-Islami seems to be in a good mood, even considering victory in the upcoming elections. This thought is not completely unfounded, as they have gained more supporters and are receiving encouragement from the interim government.

After the fall of the Awami League government, the BNP had unrivaled public support; however, the rampant extortion and terrorist activities by BNP workers on the ground have caused some public dissatisfaction. Despite this, BNP still has a large workforce and currently dominates the ground. Under favorable conditions, BNP workers become reckless. The negative role of BNP workers has allowed Jamaat-e-Islami to gain some advantage in publicity, claiming that all party leaders and workers, except those from Jamaat-e-Islami, are involved in terrorism, extortion, and corruption. A section of the public is also voicing on social media that they have witnessed the rule of the Awami League, BNP, and Jatiya Party, and that the differences in the nature of these three parties are minimal. The leaders and workers of these three parties are adept in extortion, reckless in terrorist activities, and champions in corruption.

Jamaat now questions the ethics of BNP, which had once been a partner in the BNP government. Despite this partnership, Jamaat feels distinct from BNP, claiming that their ministers have no allegations of theft or corruption. They have challenged this matter. However, both the Awami League and BNP could present such a challenge, excluding the Jatiya Party, as no corruption allegations have been proven against any leader of these two parties up till now. With each change in government, all allegations of corruption are dismissed as "politically motivated." Unfortunately, the Jatiya Party of Hussain Muhammad Ershad cannot present this challenge since their leader, Ershad, served a sentence. However, he was not imprisoned for corruption, but for keeping a pistol given by Iraq's president Saddam Hussein. Even though the law punished him, the public did not reject him, and while he was in prison, the public elected him five times to represent five constituencies.

Jamaat-e-Islami will not be able to gain an advantage in the electoral field by promoting BNP's corruption because even though the top leaders of BNP are deeply involved in corruption, the party's workers do not believe this. The public is also formed in the same mold. The public knowingly votes for the corrupt because, in their times of suffering, the corruption money from these corrupt leaders is more appealing. Each political party nominates wealthy individuals, regardless of how they became wealthy. Most of the mosques and madrassas in the country are built and run with the money of the corrupt. Therefore, Jamaat will not win the public’s favor by condemning the BNP workers' actions of dominating the fields, rivers, and markets. The BNP is also no longer leaving Jamaat unchallenged, and one significant accusation from BNP against Jamaat is the takeover of the Islamic Bank immediately after the fall of the Awami League government.

Jamaat is also accused of taking control of the administration. While BNP may lead in taking control of the field, Jamaat is alleged to have a lead in taking control of the administration. However, the interim government believes that those without the Awami League tag are neutral. The students, who were involved in the movement, had no political affiliation, no leaders, and no bureaucrats. That is why, except for Dr Muhammad Yunus, they have no own people, and students are forced to rely on the officials of BNP and Jamaat. Now, students have formed a new party, but they have no representatives in the administration, so they have to be cordial with both BNP and Jamaat. In this situation, the student party "National Citizen Party" will not progress if it suffers from an Awami League phobia. If they attempt to stop Awami League’s rise using physical force, it will only create unrest in the country, which the interim government does not desire. To establish a mass base for the party, public support is essential. It is crucial to determine what actions the National Citizen Party must take to win the trust of the people.

The old tendency of placing the blame for all disasters on others has resurfaced, causing the real culprits to remain unscathed, just like in the previous regimes. Organized groups of youths are breaking doors and windows and searching various homes like the police, which is casting doubt on the interim government. The reason for this doubt is that these youths, after searching homes, are seen leaving the law enforcement's front, and no legal actions are being taken against them. No one is even trying to identify whether these youths belong to any political party or not. It should be considered whether these actions are being carried out with the intention of undermining the interim government. If these youths are not stopped, the responsibility will fall on the interim government and the National Citizen Party. However, if the blame for these visible incidents is placed on the fallen Awami League, it will not be entirely believable to the public.

I began this discussion with the killing of two Jamaat-e-Islami workers and the terrorist activities of their party workers in Satkania. Jamaat-e-Islami presents itself as a party free of terrorism. They deny ever cutting off the opposition's veins, a notorious act in Chattogram and Rajshahi, areas where Chhatra Shibir (Jamaat's student wing) was once strong. Now, it appears that they are also involved in looting police station weapons during movements. So, how will the public distinguish between the terrorist activities of Jamaat-e-Islami and those of the so-called democratic parties?

In 1971, Jamaat-e-Islami did not join the Indian conspiracy, which is why they did not go to India. However, they acknowledged the legitimacy of Awami League's rise to power. Recently, Jamaat's Amir stated that Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani was not placed in India due to his title "Maulana," suggesting that even if they went, they would not have been received in India. Then, why did freedom fighters like Abdul Kader Siddique Bir Uttam or Hemayat Uddin Bir Bikram not form a liberation army in the country? Why did Jamaat form the Rajakar, Al-Badr, and Al-Shams to oppose the liberation forces?

No matter how much Jamaat tries to separate itself on moral grounds, it is difficult to be distinct, because most people in this country are accustomed to hypocrisy—some pray and take bribes; they dislike Jews and Christians but rejoice when they get a visa to the US or Europe; they hate India but go there to travel; they think listening to music with instruments is impermissible but enjoy qawwali songs. However, under the Awami League rule, Jamaat has overcome many difficulties, gained public support, and increased its influence. Although Jamaat is not a direct threat to BNP in elections, it could create favorable conditions through its allies in the movement.

Zeauddin Ahmed: Former Executive Director, Bangladesh Bank.