We are in an era of ration card democracy

After the First Part:
Valiant freedom fighter ZI Khan Panna is a senior lawyer and the chairman of the legal aid organization "Ain o Salish Kendra." He has a strong stance in all movements and struggles, including the Liberation War. He played a direct role in the recent student-led mass uprising in July-August. He shares his views on the activities of the interim government, laws, the Constitution, and the resignation of the president with "Views Bangladesh." The interview was conducted by Girish Goiric and Hasan Shahadat Touhid.

Views Bangladesh: An attempt to murder case has been filed against you at Khilgaon police station, and you have been granted bail. What are your thoughts on this case?

ZI Khan Panna: What can I say? A murder attempt case has been filed; I don’t know, I haven’t heard. Even if there was some partial truth in it, I wouldn’t object. The person (the complainant) says he doesn’t know me at all. Initially, I thought maybe the government was behind it. But later, by the behavior of some government legal officials, I realized they were also dissatisfied. They don’t seem to know about it either. Their demeanor shows they are coming, meeting, apologizing, saying they want to see what can be done, etc. However, I didn’t approach anyone. My habit is that I cannot make requests. I can never speak for myself. Later, I saw that they did not oppose regarding my case. In open court, they were stating that they had no objections.

It’s clear that they are not involved. So who is behind this? Perhaps those who are involved in politics there are intentionally doing this. I've heard various things—some say it’s a lawyer from Jamaat, others say it’s someone else from there. I don’t believe the BNP would do this. Why would they file a case against me? And why would Jamaat do it? I have no presence in that area. I can’t even recall if I’ve ever been to Meradiya. I asked many people, and they said it is located after Banasree. I’ve only been to Banasree and that was just for a day or two.

As for a case filed under sections 307 and 326—these pertain to attempted murder and using sharp weapons. It feels absurd that, as a genuine freedom fighter, I would be accused of such an attempt, especially after all these years. It’s strange to think that someone could misinterpret my actions to such an extent and claim I went to attack with bamboo or rods as weapons. Clearly, someone is trying to tarnish my reputation or humiliate me. I don’t know who that is, so whom should I blame? I can’t even find someone to accuse.

Views Bangladesh: Fake cases have been filed against you, and since August 5, hundreds of cases have emerged with numerous accused. How will these cases proceed through the legal process, or will they hold up at all?

ZI Khan Panna: We have always stated that there is a single script behind these cases. The style of writing is remarkably similar. Someone wrote it, and they’re just following that script, filling in names and identities to file these cases. This is solely intended to harass. These cases won’t stand even in the initial stages.

Views Bangladesh: There are unprecedented cases against the ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. How will she confront this from abroad?

ZI Khan Panna: I can’t really say. That’s something pertaining her lawyers or she herself to address regarding the plan. However, I understand that this has to be faced politically. All these cases are murder cases, with Sheikh Hasina as the number one accused. What can I say? These murders have occurred for political reasons, and thus they must be addressed politically as well as legally.

Views Bangladesh: Regarding Sheikh Hasina's resignation letter, the President has stated that he has no documented proof of the Prime Minister's resignation. The legal advisor mentions that they will consider whether the President is fit to remain in office. Does an advisor have that authority?

ZI Khan Panna: This is getting out of hand. They should resolve any issues among themselves through discussion. If someone wants to see the resignation letter, they should say it exists. I would argue that the matter being debated is immaterial. Whether the letter exists or not, what does it change? Starting this public debate is detrimental to them. It’s causing significant harm.

The President might be correct in saying that he doesn’t have the letter; however, he did request a reference from the Supreme Court. So, this letter itself becomes an issue. It’s true that the Prime Minister was not in office; she has left the country. And during the debate with the President, Asif Nazrul claimed that after this, the President is no longer fit to hold office. But who appointed the President? The previous Parliament appointed him, and it was the President who appointed them.

Views Bangladesh: Several judges, including the Chief Justice, have been forced to resign. There has been a significant changeover among lawyers as well. Have these changes caused any disruption in the legal and judicial sectors?

ZI Khan Panna: Absolutely, there has been a disruption. This concerns the judiciary. The mob violence instigated by outside students is, to me, condemnable and a blatant disregard for judicial action. This is not their judicial action. Their slogan was that 12 judges were appointed by the Awami League. Yet, there was no slogan against the corrupt. The corrupt still remain in place. Anyone can go and find out who the corrupt are, right down to the bricks and mortar of the Supreme Court.

Why should they come and lay hands on lawyers? Why show physical strength? Mob violence—what law does that fall under? A goat may dance, but it’s held by the tether; if the tether breaks, there’s trouble. Lawyers have made minor protests, stating that to maintain the rule of law and order, such actions must be resisted. Even if there’s corruption everywhere, if there’s corruption in the legal sector and the judiciary, then corruption will persist throughout the country. It’s true that we need to eliminate corruption in this area, but how? Mob violence is not the solution. The solution lies in following legal channels.

Views Bangladesh: Throwing eggs at defendants in the court premises and physically assaulting them—what kind of impact has this had on the legal process?

ZI Khan Panna: Those in power today will eventually be ousted, and when they find themselves in court, what will the consequences be? Right now, they’re throwing eggs. If even a flower petal touches someone in police custody, it’s the responsibility of the police. Assaulting someone in the courtroom is an egregious violation. Such actions don’t simply fade away, no matter how big the offender is. This is also extrajudicial activity, isn’t it?
I may not agree with Shamshuddin Chowdhury, but the brutality inflicted upon him is barbaric and a disgraceful chapter for the judiciary. I’ve heard, though I don’t know what’s true, that some lawyers have hinted at figures like Rashed Khan Menon and Hasanul Haque Inu, saying, "Look, we belong to such and such party."
Perhaps they have strayed from principles, and that is true. But once upon a time, they were myths in their own right. Especially Rashed Khan Menon, who was the VP of DUCSU during Ayub Khan’s time. This is no joke. During his tenure, he prevented Monayem Khan from attending convocations. The break occurred then. Kazi Zafar and Menon were also figures of significance. Kazi Zafar was the first student leader to pursue a master’s degree and then engage in labor politics in Tongi.

And then there are others like Sirajul Alam Khan, Ruhul Amin Bhuiyan, and Mohammad Shahjahan. Their knowledge is astonishing. They seem like living historians. And when it comes to mathematics, they explain things so beautifully that I’d be amazed just sitting in jail, listening. The way they articulate is remarkable. You won’t find this kind of insight in public meetings, nor do I see such leaders anymore—that much is true.

Views Bangladesh: You mentioned proportional representation, and Jamaat has also made demands to the government. What impact do you think this could have?

ZI Khan Panna: It’s hard to predict at this stage. In our country, there’s a specific dynamic at play. Jamaat has a certain share of minority votes, which they can count on. In a numerical election, the advantage tends to lie with the Awami League. The explanation is clear: it's about BNP and Awami League. The BNP coalition versus the Awami League on its own. There’s only a one- or two-percent difference. If they (Jamaat) break away from that coalition, then it’s almost certain that the Awami League will rule.

Views Bangladesh: There have been calls from within and outside the government to ban the Awami League. Is the Awami League a party that can be banned?

ZI Khan Panna: There may be calls for it. But even if they were banned on paper, would it be feasible? If the Awami League were to be declared a secret organization, that would be something else. What does it mean to be a secret organization? It means they can do anything for their survival. This is why we always say there’s an advantage to open politics—it reveals their opinions. But when you go underground, how do you attack me? There’s no certainty. I won’t be able to know your comments, strategies, or intentions. If it’s in the open, I can understand whether you’ll block me through protests or meetings. The chief legal officer of the state has said he is not in favor of banning the Awami League.

Views Bangladesh: There are discussions suggesting that the interim government is favored by the US from a geopolitical standpoint. Could this disrupt Bangladesh’s foreign policy with India?

ZI Khan Panna: That’s something the foreign affairs advisor can address. What I understand is that while we can change our relations, we cannot change our neighbors. We must maintain good relations with Myanmar and India. This should not come at the cost of our sovereignty. We need to find a way to uphold our sovereignty while ensuring positive relations.

Views Bangladesh: The Bengali people have awakened at various times against injustice and oppression; however, injustice persists. Is there a possibility that they will awaken again in the face of upcoming crises?

ZI Khan Panna: Absolutely, I don’t see an immediate scenario, but in July, I realized that the situation was extreme when the shooting started. I couldn’t guess whether the government would remain or not, whether they would flee or leave the country. What I understood was that the government was in a precarious state, and it had become increasingly violent. The character of the Bengali people is like the Bay of Bengal. The waves in the Bay are more forceful than those in the ocean. You realize this when you descend. If you come by ship, you won’t see waves in the oceans, but once you reach the Bay, you see what waves are. In a storm, ships rise and fall. The deepest waters in the world are found in the Bay.

The Sepoy Rebellion began with the Bengalis, even though it was centered in places like Barrackpur, with figures like Mangal Pandey and Ishwar Pandey. In present-day West Bengal, after that, there were rebellions in this country as well, like the Fakir Rebellion, led by Fakir Majnu Shah, Titumir, and Haji Shariatullah, along with various uprisings led by Balaki Khan in Barisal. The Santal Rebellion and the Garo uprisings also contributed to this history. The history of rebellion is indeed present in Bangladesh. Even during the Mughal era, the Barobhuiyans in Bengal were largely independent. We were never completely subjugated; it was a prosperous region. Otherwise, the British would not have sought permission from Shahjahan for tax-free trade in Bengal for the East India Company. Bengal was known for its muslin, and the demand for muslin was immense worldwide. Everyone knows two things: muslin from Dhaka and Jamdani from Dhaka.

Views Bangladesh: During the partition, the strength of the Bengalis was not evident.

ZI Khan Panna: Indeed, it was only after the riots in '46 that it became clear: Kolkata was no longer ours. At that point, the idea of a united Bengal began to surface. But why hadn’t this thought emerged earlier? When people realized that Kolkata had slipped away and Bengal was divided, that’s when the reaction set in. They refer to it as the partition of India, but India itself wasn’t partitioned; it was Bengal and Punjab that were split.
Interestingly, Jinnah didn’t even know Urdu. Both Jinnah and Gandhi hailed from Gujarat, as do Modi and Nehru. The Gujaratis have consistently held power. So, the Bengali people never really got the opportunity to showcase their strength.

Views Bangladesh: There’s a conflict between Sufi Islam and extremism. What are your thoughts on this?

ZI Khan Panna: Essentially, Sufis have been the ones to spread Islam in our country. Figures like Khan Jahan Ali in Bagerhat, Hazrat Shahjalal and Shah Paran in Sylhet, Gharib Shah in Jashore, and the 12 Awliya of Chattogram are all part of Sufism. Not just in Bengal, but throughout India, Sufis have played a vital role in the propagation of Islam. Khwaja Mainuddin Chishti and Nizamuddin Awliya are notable Sufi figures as well. Even Maulana Rumi from Iran, whose works we reference in our Milad, is a Sufi. They were not extremists; they practiced their faith in harmony with society.

Views Bangladesh: We’ve fought against autocracy and for freedom of expression. Do you believe that has been realized?

ZI Khan Panna: I don’t see freedom of expression being realized. I can express myself to you, but you lack the freedom to express yourself. I can write if I wish, but once I made a post on Facebook, and it was blocked for three days. I couldn’t figure out why it was blocked. With a friend's help, I later deleted two posts to resolve the issue. This is the kind of freedom we have. Our freedom resembles that of a ration card. You show the card, and it specifies how many family members you have—four, for example—so you get four kilograms of rice and one kilogram of lentils. We are living in a democracy akin to a ration card. The freedom of expression is similarly limited.

Views Bangladesh: Is there still autocracy, or has it passed?

ZI Khan Panna: I'm not quite sure what exists or doesn’t. It’s hard to distinguish between the two, like figuring out whether the pickle is sour or sweet.

Views Bangladesh: What are your thoughts on the interim government?

ZI Khan Panna: They have the opportunity to remain in power. How they use that power will yield results that we will see later, as will they. If they use it honestly, they will see honest outcomes; if they misuse it, the people of Bengal won’t forgive easily. They won’t get a chance to flee like Afghanistan had. If the Bengali people become angry with anyone, it will be directed at those who do wrong, including this government. Such individuals won't be given a second chance; they haven’t in the past and won’t in the future.

Views Bangladesh: The BNP is talking about transferring power to a political government. Has the BNP's movement, which has lasted 17 years, come to an end?

ZI Khan Panna: No, if elections were held right now, they (the BNP) would likely win. The people know the parties; they know the Awami League and the BNP. I believe Mr Yunus is trying to form a party with two student advisors. The younger generation, who couldn’t vote before, will participate now. He has some calculations in mind; he’s a strategic thinker. However, forming a party or a king's party doesn’t necessarily bring benefits, as seen with the Jatiya Party.

(Last Part of Interview)