We must coexist by recognizing the rights of indigenous communities

In a discussion titled "Post-Revolution Constitution Debate: Exploring Origins and Destinations," poet and thinker Farhad Mazhar delivered a speech on September 23, organized by July Public Forum. The written version of his remarks is now published for the readers of Views Bangladesh. Today, we present the second part of the discussion.

Why did you take oath to Chuppu? Why did you swear to uphold the Constitution? Sheikh Hasina’s entire governance is enshrined in that document. Yet now, we see manipulations, as if fixing a broken clock. This is a betrayal with the people, particularly the moment you declared, “I will protect this Constitution.” How can you now propose amendments? Isn’t that illegal? Who granted you this authority?

Did Sheikh Hasina grant it? She claims to remain the Prime Minister. Remember, earlier amendments were made too, and then Sheikh Hasina returned to execute those responsible for the murder of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The Constitution should not be treated lightly.

What has been perpetuated is a colonial state disguised as constitutional continuity—a fascist state, no less. If, 10, 15, or even 20 years from now, any party achieves a two-thirds majority as per Article 142, they can completely rewrite the Constitution. This is no trivial matter.

You might label me an old Marxist or Maoist, but that will not suffice. I have not made unreasonable claims. If you disagree, I invite you to engage in a discussion. Explain to me how you can breach the Constitution you swore to uphold. Otherwise, that oath loses its meaning.

Then the oath is false; you are speaking lies. Then the concept is, we must first establish a genuine political community. Look at what's happening now; the struggle against nationalism is one that we are trying to overcome. A political community can embrace various identities—Chakmaras, Murongs, Santals, and Bengalis can coexist. However, nationalist politics cannot thrive in a weakened state like ours. The current neoliberal, multinational corporate state, driven by nationalism, only sows division, chaos, and conflict.

Political community can consist of various types of communities within a political population. This includes indigenous groups like the Chakmas, Murongs, and Santal, as well as Bengalis. All nations can coexist, but nationalist politics cannot. The current neoliberal, multinational corporate state cannot sustain a weak state like ours through nationalism. This will always lead to division, chaos, and conflict among people.

Look at the situation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Until now, we have oppressed them and deprived them of their rights. If you want Bangladesh to exist as a state, you must address the issues of these communities. Do you want another state to emerge in the Chittagong Hill Tracts? Do you want the small region in Feni to separate?
If you don't want that, then this is a political issue. You need to engage in political dialogue with them. Presenting it as a military issue by setting up a cantonment there is not the right approach.

You have previously insisted that everyone must identify as Bengali. Yet, you built a cantonment in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, and now some on the far left speak sweetly about independence and nationalism for those communities. This is a form of Bengali racism, and it must be recognized as such.
Today, Delhi is actively working to suppress any mass uprising. We must be vigilant and reform our revolutionary politics. It’s essential to abandon misguided thinking. Racism is a form of fascism, whether it’s Jammu casteism or Bengali casteism. The difference lies in who is oppressed, and we must stand up for those who are marginalized. I support those who are advocating for their rights today.

We want justice for the Chittagong Hill Tracts, that is undeniable. However, when you oppose the Bangladesh Army or undermine their role, it reflects a weak understanding of our political community.

In the days ahead, whether today or tomorrow, you will have to confront Delhi. This is inevitable. Thus, you cannot dismantle institutions at will, nor can you disregard our educational institutions or belittle the military—the very institution that defends our sovereignty at great cost. Remember, our soldiers have also played a role in the struggle for mass uprising.
The attempt to create discord with soldiers today, the traps set in Chittagong—none of us should fall into that trap. We urge the soldiers as well: do not get caught in this trap. If we do, we will be in danger. We are a political community, and we believe we can coexist by acknowledging the rights of indigenous groups. Because if I recognize my rights as a Bengali, I can also recognize your rights.

So how do we find a solution? Let’s build a state that fosters a strong Bangladesh. We have both been deprived of our rights, so join me in this struggle for our rights. My state is weak; I myself am deprived. I have not yet established my citizenship or created a Constitution. So why would you fight against me? Our struggles are the same.

Come with me. How can we build this state? In the process of state-building, rights have been denied that are even more severe than denying the constitutional rights of different nationalities—something you may not realize. This includes the rights of communities over their own ownership. The rights of these communities were denied in the 1972 Constitution. You are taking away the rights of forest protectors, destroying their way of life.

Many consider elections to be democracy, but elections are merely a democratic process. There are various types of elections, each for different institutions. An election means selecting a governing board. I asked the BNP, what kind of election do you want? If the election is based on public space, then I am here. But there is no public space. To create a public space, you must first understand the people's will. The only way to understand the people's will is to organize discussions like this.

The faster you can hold such discussions at the district, sub-district, and village levels, the quicker your state-building process will accelerate. You can't just put your preferred individuals in positions one by one and think that constitutes state-building. The government does not function that way. Those we have appointed have already proven their failures. Does that mean our people's uprising was a lie? The people's uprising is certainly not a lie.

Not only that, but various conspiracies are now being hatched to undermine the students. Recently, I said in a speech, 'Brothers, stop the propaganda against the students who have contributed so much to us. They have done their part; the rest was supposed to be your responsibility. What more do you want from them? They have driven Sheikh Hasina out to Delhi; what else do you expect from them?”

Farhad Mazhar: Poet and Political Analyst