Why is June 16 called ‘Black Day’ for newspapers?

Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman also ventured into journalism at one point in his life. In his early years, he served as the East Pakistan representative for the newspaper 'Ittihad.' From the 1960s under the leadership of Bangabandhu and the Awami League to the Liberation War, the role of the media in the Bengali struggle was remarkable. During the Pakistan era, when Bangabandhu was almost single-handedly fighting against the Punjabi ruling clique on the political stage, media workers were among his primary supporters. Particularly, the daily Ittefaq essentially functioned as the mouthpiece of the Awami League, and it wouldn't be wrong to say it was Bangabandhu's mouthpiece as well. The founder of Ittefaq, Tofazzal Hossain Manik Mia, and Bangabandhu were complements to each other.

Throughout his life, Bangabandhu maintained a very cordial relationship with journalists. Yet, there is an allegation against him that he shut down all newspapers except four. Historical records show that facing various crises, pressures, and conspiracies, Bangabandhu's government, five months after introducing a new type of government and economic system called 'BAKSAL' in January 1975, shut down all newspapers except four (Daily Ittefaq, Daily Bangla, Bangladesh Observer, and Bangladesh Times) on June 16 of that year. Because of this, some journalists consider June 16 as 'Black Day for Newspapers.' Some even hold various events to commemorate this day. The question arises, how justified is it to call June 16 a black day for newspapers, and in the subsequent half-century of Bangladesh's media history, haven't there been any other incidents that could also be considered black days for newspapers or television?

Before addressing this, let’s examine the circumstances under which Bangabandhu shut down all newspapers except four. At that time, the country was flooded with newspapers like mushrooms after rain. The literacy rate in Bangladesh was 17%, yet hundreds of newspapers were being published. Bangabandhu wanted to bring some order to this situation. He even formed a committee consisting of journalists to address this issue. One of the prominent members of this committee was Enayetullah Khan. Based on their recommendations, all newspapers except four were shut down. However, the Bangabandhu government kept 122 other newspapers, including weeklies and others, in operation.

Notably, the journalists from the newspapers that were shut down did not become unemployed. Many journalists who were not even receiving regular salaries from their newspapers found jobs in various ministries and departments. Many of them retired as deputy secretaries, secretaries, or equivalent positions (Shah Alamgir, Bangabandhu and the Media, PIB/2013, p. 34).

Now, let's look at what the subsequent history of Bangladesh reveals:
The day after the assassination of Bangabandhu along with his family on August 15, 1975, the Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad government established total control over all newspapers. The term 'Bangabandhu,' let alone the image of the Father of the Nation, disappeared from the newspapers. Isn't this also a black day for the country's newspapers? During the military regime of Ershad, the media faced significant pressure; press notes and press advice from important state positions dictated which news could be published and which couldn't. Wasn't this also humiliating for the country's media?

Even under the democratic governments in power after the 1991 elections, was the country's media truly independent?

During the caretaker government controlled by the military, which came to power on January 11, 2007, weren't newspaper offices pressured to publish the so-called confessions of political leaders? Aren't these also black incidents for newspapers?

In 2000, a significant event occurred in the country's broadcasting sector. That year, Ekushey Television, the first private terrestrial channel in the country, began broadcasting; however, the BNP-Jamaat coalition government shut down the channel's broadcast. Although it received a license to resume broadcasting in 2005, and on March 29, 2007, it restarted broadcasting only on satellite and cable television. Therefore, isn't the day Ekushey Television was shut down a black day not only for the channel but also for the country's television industry?

The first news-based channel in the country, CSB News, began broadcasting on March 24, 2007; however, the caretaker government shut it down on September 6 of that year. Channel One began broadcasting at the end of the BNP-Jamaat coalition government on January 24, 2006; but the Awami League government shut it down on April 27, 2010. During the tenure of this government, the broadcasts of Diganta and Islamic Television were shut down in May 2013 while covering the religious group's Hefazat-e-Islam program live at Shapla Chattar. These channels never resumed broadcasting. Jamuna Television, currently operational, was also shut down at one point but later resumed operations.

The closure of a television channel, newspaper, or online portal means the unemployment of all journalists and staff associated with that institution. Not all of those who lost their jobs were able to join another institution at the same position and salary later. Many remained unemployed for a long time, and some perhaps left the profession altogether. Therefore, for those institutions that experienced these events, aren't those days black days for their employees as well? During Bangabandhu's time, even though newspapers were shut down, the journalists did not become unemployed. Instead, many received government jobs after losing their newspaper jobs.

Under the editorship of the renowned journalist Shafik Rehman, the daily Jaijaidin was launched with great fanfare on June 6, 2006. However, after the One-Eleven government came to power, the newspaper faced a major crisis. Over a hundred journalists were terminated at once. When the employees returned to the office after the Eid holidays, they found the list of terminated employees posted at the gate. So, isn't that day also a black day in the history of Jaijaidin?

Many other newspapers that were launched with much fanfare have either been shut down, or a large number of employees have been laid off from those newspapers, or salaries have remained unpaid for months. Employees had to take to the streets to claim their dues and even resort to the courts. Therefore, there is no sense in targeting only June 16, 1975, as the black day for newspapers. Rather, many more black days have occurred in the history of Bangladesh's media since then. The bigger question is, how freely can journalists in Bangladesh work at this moment? How much can the media act as the voice of the people under various state, political, and corporate pressures? If they cannot, then focusing solely on June 16 as the black day for newspapers does not conceal the recent crises in the media.

It is often said that, in controlling the media, non-state or private parties can sometimes be much stronger than the government or the state. Especially now, the owners of media organizations and large corporate advertisers are the main obstacles to the media becoming a true media of the people. In the interest of protecting corporate capital, on one hand, the media is becoming the spokesperson for these entities; on the other hand, since these owners are involved with the government in various ways and conduct their business with various legal and illegal benefits from the government, evading taxes, and laundering money, the government also wants to use the media for its own purposes. The government desires the media to only praise it. This means the media has to manage both state pressures and the pressures from owners and corporate capital, which leaves it struggling. On top of this, there are professional crises and job insecurities. With job insecurity on one side, irregular salaries, or the challenge of finding a new job after losing one, how can journalists perform independently, bravely, and with impartial and objective journalism? This is a significant question.

Just as a portion of journalists advised Bangabandhu to shut down all newspapers except four, a portion of journalists in today's Bangladesh are also responsible for the existing crises in the media. In trying to prove themselves as trusted by the government and owners, they have weakened the entire institution. They are not allowing independent journalism to flourish. Therefore, if June 16 is to be called the black day for newspapers, the current crises in the media of Bangladesh must also be discussed impartially. It is time to examine why the media could not become professional in the past half-century and who is responsible for this.

Author: Journalist and writer.