Will so-called ‘Tawhidi Janata’ become a curse for interim government?

On the night of Wednesday, March 5, news spread that Dhaka University employee Mostafa Asif Arnab had been arrested for harassing a female student over her attire. In response, a group of people, under the banner of the so-called ‘Tawhidi Janata,’ gathered at Shahbagh police station, causing a commotion—videos of which circulated on social media. They continued their protest until 9:30 AM on Thursday, demanding Arnab’s release.

Despite being arrested and presented in court on charges of harassing a woman, Arnab was granted bail. Upon his release, members of the ‘Tawhidi Janata’ greeted him with garlands, placed a turban on his head, and even handed him a copy of the Holy Quran—images of which were widely shared by the media and on social platforms.

According to reports, Arnab, a bookbinder at Dhaka University’s library, harassed a female student on Wednesday afternoon regarding her attire. The student shared her experience on Facebook, posting a picture of Arnab and stating, “This man harassed me today on my way from Shahbagh. He suddenly stopped me and started commenting on my dress. When I tried to call the proctor, he ran away.”

The university administration received the complaint around 4:30 PM and later, some students brought Arnab to the proctor’s office. During questioning, he admitted to harassing the student. He was then handed over to Shahbagh police station, and the university formed an investigation committee.

Students from Dhaka University’s Law Department declared Arnab persona non grata on campus and demanded his permanent dismissal.

On Thursday night, Interim Government’s Cultural Advisor Mostofa Sarwar Farooki posted on his verified Facebook account:
“In July, when people were fighting against Hasina’s killer forces, did anyone check if the person next to them was male or female, bearded or clean-shaven, wearing a hijab or jeans, BNP or Jamaat? The July uprising was meant to create an inclusive Bangladesh, free from discrimination. No one was superior; no one was marginalized. But now, we are seeing moral policing in the name of religion. Just as Bangladesh opposed the stigmatization of beards, skullcaps, and burqas, it must also stand against the stigmatization of Western attire. We reject all forms of misogyny—before, now, and forever.”

It is crucial to remember that the core slogan of the July uprising was the end of discrimination. The movement aimed to establish an inclusive Bangladesh—where no one is privileged over another and neither the majority nor the minority is oppressed. However, since the fall of the previous government, incidents have continued to unfold under the guise of religion—contradicting this inclusive vision.

Professor A. Al Mamun of Rajshahi University, who actively participated in the July uprising, said
“We fought for an inclusive Bangladesh and will continue to do so. But now, Jamaat-e-Islami and various Islamist groups under the ‘Tawhidi Janata’ banner are working to create an exclusive Bangladesh—one where minorities, dissenters, women, progressive groups, and ethnic communities have no place. Yet, these very groups stood against fascism.”

Former Dhaka University professor and current US-based academic Fahmidul Haq said
“The interim government is weak, making it an easy target for pressure. The ‘Tawhidi Janata’ is at the forefront of this. Their attitude suggests they want to establish an Islamic Republic immediately, but they also know the Bangladeshi people are not ready for it. The general population is not radical. Moreover, they seem uninterested in democratic elections, knowing they cannot win. Instead, they want to delay the election as much as possible, citing excuses like electoral reforms or the prosecution of Hasina’s regime. Meanwhile, they continue exerting pressure on the weak government to gain as much leverage as possible. This opportunism aligns with fascist tactics.”

It is worth recalling that just a month after the interim government took office, in September last year, a video surfaced of a young woman being forced to do sit-ups while holding her ears at Cox’s Bazar beach. Earlier, in mid-August, another video showed young men raiding a residential hotel, dragging out an unmarried couple, and publicly shaming them. Around the same time in Khulna, a young man named Utsav Mandal was brutally beaten in the presence of law enforcement officers for allegedly making derogatory remarks about the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). Initially, a national newspaper reported his death, though it later corrected the report, confirming he was alive.

Since the political shift on August 5 last year, several shrines have been vandalized. In one instance, a former MP’s grave was even set on fire—a rare incident in both Bangladesh and globally. Despite the government's repeated warnings and condemnations, the mobs have blatantly ignored them, continuing their activities over the past seven months.

The critical question is: What message is being sent internationally about Bangladesh due to these incidents? Who is orchestrating these events under the ‘Tawhidi Janata’ banner, and whose interests do they serve? Are these acts providing ammunition to those who seek to portray Bangladesh as an extremist, fundamentalist, or militant state? If so, who is funding and inciting them?

The reality is that efforts to brand Bangladesh as a radical and militant state have been ongoing for years. If successful, it could justify foreign intervention under the pretext of counterterrorism. Additionally, neighboring countries might use this narrative to discredit the new government that emerged from the people’s movement, making it easier to challenge and delegitimize.

Thus, it is crucial to question who is serving whose interests. The government must ensure that the world does not perceive Bangladesh as a nation overtaken by religious extremism. Otherwise, both ordinary citizens and external forces eager to intervene will find justification for their actions.

Regarding the recent mob violence and law enforcement challenges, Home Affairs Advisor Jahangir Alam Chowdhury stated on Thursday “The public needs to be aware. When people become unruly, it can be problematic. The authorities cannot always control everything through force.”

However, despite six months in power, the government has failed to curb mob violence. Home invasions, public vandalism, and even attacks on foreigners continue to occur. When questioned, the Home Affairs Advisor deflected responsibility, saying:
“Just as parents and relatives play a role in controlling their children, the media also has a major role to play in preventing such incidents.”

These are typical bureaucratic responses. Another government advisor, Syeda Rizwana Hasan, stated on Tuesday “There is no place for mob justice or moral policing in this country. The government remains firm on this. However, since we have not yet restored law and order to previous levels, some incidents have occurred. The government's position is clear: such actions are not acceptable.”

But the real question is, why is the public becoming unruly? Are these mobs formed by ordinary citizens, or are they part of an organized group with a specific agenda? Do regular citizens take to the streets under the ‘Tawhidi Janata’ banner to harass women or shut down sports events? These groups clearly have a purpose, so labeling them as mere ‘public’ is an attempt to dodge responsibility. The government must recognize them as criminals and take legal action.

If the government continues to fear these mobs or bow down to the so-called ‘Tawhidi Janata,’ they will become even more unstoppable, plunging the country further into crisis. The law-and-order situation will deteriorate, and even holding elections will become uncertain.

After seven months in power, the interim government’s failure to control mob violence raises concerns. Is it merely an administrative failure, a lack of action from the security forces, or do elements within the government itself support these groups? The government must send a clear and strong message from the highest levels. Statements alone will not be enough—decisive action is necessary. If the government fails to prove its commitment to eradicating mob rule and the crimes committed under the banners of student groups and the ‘Tawhidi Janata,’ these forces will ultimately become its downfall.

Ameen Al Rashid: Journalist & Writer.