Murder cases, mob violence now new weapons for journalist persecution

George Orwell, the author of the world-renowned dystopian novel 1984, which deals with surveillance, fictional injustice, and authoritarianism, also expressed timeless views on journalism. One of them is: “Journalism is printing what someone else does not want printed: everything else is public relations.” And truly so—the journalist’s job is to expose suppressed information, matters of public importance, and secret activities. The aim of journalism is to speak out against injustice, inconsistencies, and corruption. A journalist's mission is to act as an observer and protect people from being deceived and deprived. But questioning those in power, high-ranking officials, members of various forces, and people involved in crimes is a difficult task.

This risky work is what a journalist must do. They must investigate in a systematic way, connect sources, and work tirelessly through many sleepless nights. That’s how, in front of readers, stories come out about S Alam Group’s money laundering, the cries from Ayanaghar, a minister’s more than 500 houses, abuses in the telecom sector, and state officials' luxurious helicopter travels. It is this through which justice, principles, and the rule of law get a chance to be established in society.

Opposing this profession focused on public welfare, we have seen during Sheikh Hasina’s regime a group of sycophantic journalists—those who publicly called the head of government a “magic lady”, who drowned her in praise, and belittled opposing journalists and politicians at will. In live press conferences, they would show disdain towards the country's leading newspapers and journalists. Editors of several daily newspapers were practically considered the state's number one enemies. Some journalists even urged Sheikh Hasina to take tougher action against the protesters of the July uprising. This is a disgrace in the history of journalism in Bangladesh—a dark chapter. I don’t think there is any precedent of this anywhere in the world. And it seems that even after the post-uprising period, this practice hasn’t stopped. Now we see a tendency to label the person in power as “magic man” or “magician”. Even though, despite holding a high state position, he repeatedly makes decisions involving serious conflicts of interest, the media remains silent on these issues.

The student-people uprising has crushed Sheikh Hasina’s powerful regime. The sycophantic press conferences at Ganabhaban are now a loathsome memory. There was an opportunity to move forward—to establish a new milestone for press freedom and journalists’ rights. But we see the interim government walking the opposite path. Yes, it is true that many of Sheikh Hasina’s courtier-journalists amassed illegal wealth, built mountains of assets, and possibly laundered money as well. These are undeniably serious crimes. These must be prosecuted. But to say that a pro-Awami League journalist or one who benefited from the party went to Jatrabari and murdered protesters—that is pure fiction. No one can be made to believe such a tale. Yet professional journalists are being harassed and imprisoned under such fictional stories and unbelievable cases. Fear is being created.

During the interim government’s rule, the persecution of journalists through fabricated cases is not just an allegation of the conscientious people of Bangladesh. It has also been highlighted in the 2025 report of Reporters Without Borders, an international organisation working on media freedom and journalist rights. According to the report, the current interim government has filed cases against 130 journalists under charges of murder and crimes against humanity. Among them, five are in prison. This issue has been considered a serious obstacle to free media and journalistic independence. Not just this organisation, but also the conscientious journalists of Bangladesh have questioned these indiscriminate arrests.

At a discussion on World Press Freedom Day, the President of the Editors’ Council and Editor-Publisher of The Daily Star, MahfuzAnam, said, “One of the reasons Sheikh Hasina’s government became so unpopular was the lack of media freedom. We suffered under many laws, including the Digital Security Act.” He further mentioned, “Currently, cases related to murder or violence are ongoing against 266 journalists. How is this possible? Under the Digital Security Act alone, there were around 200 or slightly more cases against journalists. But today, 266 journalists are accused in murder or violence-related crimes. This is a disgrace to journalism and to all of us.” Without doubt, these fabricated cases are a disgrace for the state and for journalists. At the same time, they are a gross violation of human rights.

If pro-Awami League or beneficiary journalists are guilty of any criminal offence, they must be tried. Illegal wealth and other crimes must also be properly investigated. But detaining them for months without trial is wrong—a violation of human rights. It is truly astonishing that such violations continue even with sensitive human rights activists and legal experts in the advisory council of the interim government!

Since August 5, 2024, fears of mob violence have severely constricted the environment and freedom of journalism in Bangladesh. Immediately after the change of power through the uprising, several media outlets came under attack from enraged mobs. Then mobs were mobilised to get many journalists fired from their jobs. Journalists were harassed at workplaces and on the streets by organised mobs. One television channel even suspended its news broadcasts out of fear of mob violence.

Most recently, we have learnt of a frightening upheaval at Daily Janakantha, a leading national newspaper, under the shadow of mob violence. It sets a terrifying precedent. This culture of media capture and journalist repression has not gone unnoticed by international organisations operating in Bangladesh. In August 2025, UNDP, UNESCO, and the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation jointly published a study, titled “Bangladesh’s Media Landscape: An Assessment of FREE, INDEPENDENT AND PLURALISTIC MEDIA”. It described the current media environment in Bangladesh as follows: “Journalists operated under significant threat, facing legal harassment, physical attacks, and arbitrary detention under broadly framed laws such as the ICT Act and the Digital Security Act (DSA) and its successor the Cyber Security Act (CSA).”

Though the study did not explicitly mention mob terror, the term “significant threat” clearly refers to the spread of mob violence in the media sector. In addition, journalist harassment, physical assault, and forced arbitrary detentions are continuing. This report also reflects the ongoing legal persecution of journalists. Yet the officials of the interim government keep repeating the same tune: “Journalists are enjoying the most freedom under this government.” It should be remembered that for the past 20 years, every person appointed to the Ministry of Information or the Government Press Division has sung the same tune to the people of Bangladesh.

Past experience shows that many achievements in Bangladesh’s national life have been squandered. In the end, the general public gains nothing. No institution is established; no standard of human rights is upheld. Rather, violent examples of vengeance are created. Bangladesh’s image is tarnished in the international arena.

From a government committed to human rights, the people of this country do not expect journalist persecution and repression. Journalists in prison also have the right to bail. Grant them bail. Immediately withdraw the fabricated cases against journalists. For these cases and acts of repression, Bangladesh is already marked with a stigma both at home and abroad. No more, please.

Rahat Minhaz: Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication and Journalism, Jagannath University, Dhaka