Speak the truth and demand elections, they label you an Indian agent

Renowned as the "Political Bard," Advocate Fazlur Rahman is a valiant freedom fighter and a former Member of Parliament for Kishoreganj-3. He was the chief of the Mujib Bahini in Kishoreganj district during the Liberation War. Whenever the country, the motherland, or the state faces a crisis, disaster, or turmoil, he emerges as a strong voice of protest. He remains highly vocal against any distortion of history. A steadfast defender of Bangladesh’s independence, sovereignty, and the spirit of the Liberation War, this remarkable figure was born in Koronsi village of Joysiddhi Union under Itna Thana in Kishoreganj district. Currently, he serves as an advisor to the BNP Chairperson.

Recently, this esteemed politician sat down for an interview with Views Bangladesh, where he shared his insights on the Liberation War, pre-independence Bangladesh, politics, the mass uprising of 2024, and contemporary issues. Today, we publish the second part of this three-part interview. Interview conducted by Shahadat Hossain Touhid, Editorial Assistant at Views Bangladesh.

Views Bangladesh: Jamaat-e-Islami has never apologized for its crimes against humanity during 1971; rather, it continues to justify its stance on the Liberation War. What is your take on this?

Fazlur Rahman: Jamaat-e-Islami made two critical mistakes. In 1947, when all Muslims supported the Pakistan movement, Jamaat-e-Islami opposed it under the leadership of Abul Ala Maududi. That was their first grave mistake, for which they later sought forgiveness. Even Maududi was sentenced to death at one point but survived by seeking clemency. Their politics in Pakistan were also flawed. For 23 years, Jamaat was never part of the struggle for independence. In 1971, they opposed the Liberation War as well.

So, Jamaat has consistently been on the wrong side of history. Most of the Jamaat leaders from 1971 are either deceased or very few remain alive today. However, as a party, Jamaat committed crimes during the Liberation War. They made a grave mistake by forming Al-Badr, which was responsible for the massacre of intellectuals.

Therefore, I do not concern myself with Jamaat’s interpretations of the Liberation War. Their justifications or analyses mean nothing to me. In fact, I find them laughable. Because if the descendants of Abu Jahl and Abu Lahab were to debate Islam today, it wouldn’t contribute anything to Islam. Similarly, what Jamaat says or doesn’t say about the Liberation War is irrelevant. As the Quran states, "Tabbat yada Abi Lahabin wa tabb, ma aghna ‘anhu maluhu wa ma kasab." If Abu Jahl and Abu Lahab’s descendants were asked to analyze Islam, they would still argue that Muhammad (PBUH) was wrong.

So, Jamaat’s interpretation of the Liberation War doesn’t concern me. However, I had hoped that they might reform themselves, leave behind their past mistakes, and start a new political journey. That would have been the best course of action for them.

Views Bangladesh: Do you think Jamaat has a strong influence over the interim government?

Fazlur Rahman: The total influence over this government is Jamaat’s. I wouldn’t call it a haunting presence, but it’s clear that their ideology has penetrated the administration. Those who once stood at the Shaheed Minar and led the anti-discrimination student movement are now saying that Islami Chhatra Shibir was the vanguard of the revolution on August 5.

Let them openly declare now that they reject the Liberation War, that it was merely a conflict between brothers, and that they intend to bury the Constitution of 1972. Let them call upon people and see who responds to their call. Look at how they have now targeted Ziaur Rahman. The BNP realized it much later. But I had said from day one that those who criticized Sheikh Mujibur Rahman for the Liberation War would eventually criticize Ziaur Rahman too. And hasn’t that happened? Because saying that Mujib alone fought for independence is incorrect. Mujib was part of the independence movement, but the Liberation War itself began on March 26. Why? The independence movement was about reclaiming what was ours but was occupied by others. The Liberation War, on the other hand, was the armed struggle to reclaim that land, which was documented in CS/RS records.

The political leader of that movement was Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, and the Mujibnagar government. The military leaders were General Osmani, Ziaur Rahman, C.R. Dutta, Abul Bashar, Colonel Taher, Kazi Nuruzzaman, Major General Manzoor, Major Jalil, Khaled Mosharraf, and General Shafiullah. They were the armed leaders of the war. Just as Indira Gandhi was India’s political leader during the war, but General Manekshaw was the chief military commander. No war is fought by one person alone. So, when someone criticizes Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, it’s only a matter of time before they do the same to Ziaur Rahman.

Views Bangladesh: Some claim that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman did not actually want independence and that he willingly surrendered to the Pakistani army. What is your response to this?

Fazlur Rahman: Let history analyze Sheikh Mujib. No matter how much analysis or debate takes place, his name will always remain at the top—as the captain of the final game in the history of the Bengali nation. No one can take that away. And Ziaur Rahman’s name will also be remembered as Major Zia—the one who declared, "I do hereby declare the independence of Bangladesh." Initially, he mentioned his own name, but then he clarified that he was making the declaration "on behalf of our great leader, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman." So, in a way, he also scored a century in history.

General Osmani was the Chief of Army Staff during the Liberation War. Recently, I heard that the Amir of Jamaat-e-Islami claimed that General Osmani was the Supreme Commander of the Liberation War. (Perhaps this is because both the Jamaat Amir and Osmani were from Sylhet, leading to a bit of favoritism!) But in reality, General Osmani was not the Supreme Commander of the Liberation War. The Supreme Commander is always the President of a country. The Commander-in-Chief was General Osmani, responsible for military operations.

Now, some may accuse me of only speaking about Sheikh Mujib, but I’ll say it again: The Supreme Commander is the President of the country. That is the highest position. The Commander-in-Chief (CNC) is the Chief of the Armed Forces, which was Osmani. The Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami usually does not speak outside the dictionary, yet even he made an out-of-context statement by claiming that Osmani was the Supreme Commander of the Liberation War. But that is incorrect—Osmani was the Chief of Army Staff during the war.

Ziaur Rahman was the Brigade Commander of Z Force, Khaled Mosharraf was the Brigade Commander of K Force, and Shafiullah was the Brigade Commander of S Force. These are facts that must be understood. Today, many young people speak about the Liberation War, but their fathers weren’t even born at that time. And even if they were, their parents hadn’t yet met each other. Many of these young leaders in the anti-discrimination student movement advisory board today have fathers who are 15 years younger than me. So when they lecture about the Liberation War, it makes me laugh—really laugh. At the same time, it also angers me. But how can I be angry at children? Only God knows who has misled them. May He guide them.

I have a simple stance—if you want to live in Bangladesh, you must accept the Liberation War. This is an undeniable truth. Without the Liberation War, Bangladesh does not exist. The Liberation War is like the mother of Bangladesh—Bangladesh was born from its womb. Without it, this land would still be East Pakistan. So, those who deny their own mother are not good sons.

Views Bangladesh: How would you characterize Sirajul Alam Khan’s role after independence?

Fazlur Rahman: From 1962 onward, Sirajul Alam Khan gradually started organizing student movements with slogans like "Punjab or Bangla? Bangla, Bangla!", "Pindi or Dhaka? Dhaka, Dhaka!", and "Do you want Pakistan, or do you want a Bengali nation-state?" Interestingly, no one calls Bangladesh a nation-state anymore. Even we don’t use that term, because this country belongs to everyone.

During the years 1969, 1970, and 1971, I became a freedom fighter under Sirajul Alam Khan, pledging my blood. There were 8,000 freedom fighters in the BLF (Bengal Liberation Force), which was later known as the Mujib Bahini. Sirajul Alam Khan was its chief architect. I do not wish to undermine Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni, Abdur Razzaq, or Tofail Ahmed, but Sirajul Alam Khan was the philosophical guide behind it. Many revolutionary slogans originated from him.

Now, let me tell you how our national flag was created. I was staying in Room 116 of Iqbal Hall when Sirajul Alam Khan called out, "Hey, Comilla’s Shib Narayan Das! Can you design a flag?"
Shib Narayan Das replied, "Dada, if you order it, I can do it."

That night, Shib Narayan Das worked tirelessly to sketch the flag of Bangladesh. But look at the irony—this man died during Sheikh Hasina’s tenure, and the ungrateful, ignorant Awami Leaguers didn’t even organize a memorial meeting for him. Not even a single condolence message was issued for Sirajul Alam Khan. They are so ungrateful.

That’s why they had to flee the country. They were forced to run. I am Fazlur Rahman, the one who witnessed everything in the Liberation War. Let me tell you how the war songs were created. Ajay Roy and Zahidur Rahim were two of Bangladesh’s finest Rabindra Sangeet artists. Among them, Zahidur Rahim had the most extraordinary voice. Unfortunately, he passed away in 1979.

One day, Sirajul Alam Khan said, "Today, I want to hear you sing ‘Amar Sonar Bangla’." And there I was—this unfortunate Fazlur Rahman—present at that moment because I was a student of Iqbal Hall. Khan Mohammad Shamsur Rahman, the Deputy Commissioner (DC) of Mymensingh, who later became an accused in the Agartala Conspiracy Case, had just been released in 1969 and came to the hall for a meeting. That day, Zahidur Rahim sang:
"Amar Sonar Bangla, Ami Tomay Bhalobashi,
Chirodin Tomar Akash, Tomar Batash,
Amar Prane Bajay Banshi..."

Fast forward 2,500 kilometers away, in Dehradun, India—at dawn, as the sun was rising in the east, there I was, Fazlur Rahman, singing the same song. Behind me, hundreds of forces were training—some struggling in the water, their chests submerged. Every morning and evening, twice a day, our bodies were floating in water. We raised and lowered the Bangladeshi flag to the song ‘Amar Sonar Bangla, Ami Tomay Bhalobashi.’

Then came the battlefield. Comrades fell. They were shot. Even in that moment, they would leap forward and say, "Uncle, take care of my mother. There’s no one left for her." A mother’s only child, lost in madness, dying for the country. And now, in 2024, some people dare to compare their so-called "uprising" to the Liberation War? Did they swim across rivers? Did they face bullets from the Pakistani Army? Do they know that the Pakistani Army shot 15,000 people in a single day at the Buriganga River? The Buriganga turned red with blood.

Another 10,000 were killed in Jinjira. In just one day, 25,000 people were massacred in Keraniganj. On May 2, 1971, the Liberation War was drenched in blood. And they think they can compare that to anything else? Is it that simple? Ask the veteran freedom fighters like Mostafa Mohsin Mintoo, who are still alive. Jinjira and Keraniganj had no houses left—everything was burned to the ground by the Pakistani Army. Do they know about the freedom fighters who swam across rivers carrying their rifles? Hundreds of fighters crawled through bunkers under enemy fire. Colonel Taher lost his leg. Hundreds of freedom fighters were martyred before the Pakistani Army finally fled. And now, these people dare to speak nonsense? How dare they compare?

O Bengalis, will you understand nothing? Will you know nothing? You eat the food of this land, wear the clothes of this land. Your children’s lives flourish in this country, yet you would forget the Liberation War? Forget the Liberation War? (Emotional—I am sorry.)
I challenge you—in my area, in Itna Thana, there was a village of 36 households. Four hundred people were fleeing to India by boat together. As they passed in front of Itna Thana, the Razakars and the Pakistani Army surrounded them with speedboats. Within three hours, all 400 people were shot and thrown into the water during the heavy monsoon of Shraban. An entire village—not a single person survived. That day, 426 people from that village were slaughtered.

So how will those who never witnessed the Liberation War ever understand it? When someone talks nonsense about the war, I just laugh it off; but deep inside, I feel a pain so immense that I question—why did Allah keep me alive? Why do I have to hear such things? There can be debates about Sheikh Mujib. There can be discussions about leaders, about governance—but why should there be debates about the Liberation War?

Views Bangladesh: "In the 2024 movement, we saw students at TSC, Shahbagh, and Rokeya Hall singing Rabindra and Nazrul songs, singing ‘Aguner Poroshmoni.’ But after the uprising, one faction began calling it an ‘Islamic Revolution.’ What is your interpretation?"

Fazlur Rahman: Hypocrisy. I have also heard, “Tir Hara Ei Dheu-er Shagor Pari Dibore.” I have also heard Nazrul’s “Bol Bir Bol Unnoto Momo Shir.” I have also heard people singing songs of the Liberation War and calling others to join the movement in its spirit. But these people are disguised hypocrites. A day will come when people will ask—“Was Hasina a fascist? Was she really that terrible?” But then the question will be—is a hypocrite any better than a fascist? What does Islam say? The Maulanas, who deliver sermons to millions every day, should answer my question—who is worse in the eyes of Islam, a fascist or a hypocrite? If they explain this to me, my heart will find peace. This is sheer hypocrisy. If, on that day, they had openly declared—“We reject the Liberation War of 1971! We will throw it away! We will bury the Constitution of 1972! We will make Sheikh Mujib irrelevant in Bangladesh! We will erase Ziaur Rahman!”—and then called for a movement saying, “Islamic Chhatra Shibir is our vanguard, come join us!”—then we would have seen their true stance.

But why didn’t they say these things on the day of the movement? Liars. I don’t know what should happen to them, but my children must judge them harshly. They should be taught that these people are ruining this country with their words. They have deceived the people of this nation—philosophically, ideologically, and strategically.

And yet, their only slogan was—“Hasina must go, let Azrael (the angel of death) come.” They chanted—“One demand, one solution—Hasina, when will you leave?” People believed that if Hasina left, the country would naturally remain, and an interim government would take over.

But tell me, which is bigger—a banana tree or a full-grown tree? A full-grown tree is an elected government, which has a five-year term. Then how long should a banana tree (an interim government) last? Why do they want to stay in power? I don’t like this at all. And now, because I am speaking the truth, tomorrow they will label me as a ‘murtad’ (apostate), an enemy of Islam. They will call me an Indian agent.

Whoever speaks the truth, whoever demands an election—is he an Indian agent? Take Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir—a truthful, humble, honest man. There are very few like him in Bangladeshi politics. And yet, he is insulted in Islamic sermons every single day. Is this a country? Are these people scholars? Are they Maulanas? These very people once sought shelter under Fakhrul Islam’s panjabi (tunic). They took refuge under the BNP’s shadow. And now, they act as hypocrites. They are like Frankenstein—turning against the very force that helped them survive. If they truly want Islamic rule, let them contest the election.

If Jamaat-e-Islami wins the most seats and the people elect them, let them govern the country. We will salute them. But has this really begun? Elections cannot be held. They want to stay in power indefinitely. Reforms? What reforms? Who will carry out the reforms? Dr. Ali Riaz? A man who has not been a citizen of this country for forty years? Will he bring reforms for me? Is he even a citizen of Bangladesh? Are there no people in my country? Ali Riaz used to be one of our activists. His leader, Mahmudur Rahman Manna, is my friend. Bring Ali Riaz in front of me. Let him study in America. My daughter has also completed her doctorate in America. So what? Does that mean she will now write my country’s constitution? So, I do not believe that what is happening in this country is right.

Views Bangladesh: The Constitution of 1972 contradicts the Proclamation of Independence issued by the Mujibnagar Government. Is that true?

Fazlur Rahman: No. Let me state it clearly—this is what the Razakars say. Their ancestors were Razakars, and now their descendants are repeating the same words.
What was the declaration of the Mujibnagar Government? Equality, human dignity, and social justice. How is that different from democracy, socialism, and secularism? They are essentially the same. The Constitution simply elaborates on these principles.

Views Bangladesh: Salimullah Khan has also raised objections.

Fazlur Rahman: What has Salimullah Khan said? I am not even worthy of being his student. So I will not respond to him. Salimullah Khan and his kind are great intellectuals. I will not go into that discussion. I do not say different things in the morning and evening. I have always spoken the same truth, at all times. My name is Fazlur Rahman. I am the son of a farmer. I eat the rice of my land and fish from the rivers of my homeland. So, I do not change my words. But let me ask—how does the Proclamation of Independence contradict democracy, socialism, and secularism?

Is there any contradiction? There is none. Razakars and their descendants make these claims only to belittle the Constitution and the Liberation War. I repeat—only the Razakars or their followers say such things.